Since the fall of former Syrian President Bashar Assad, Syria has seen the unearthing of industrial-scale manufacturing facilities for Captagon, the highly addictive stimulant drug. Experts believe this has highlighted and disrupted a $10 billion annual global trade, previously propped up by the Assad regime and various militias throughout the country's civil war.
Captagon, developed originally in Germany as prescription medication, gained immense popularity across the Middle East, especially among elite groups and fighters who sought enhanced focus and reduced fatigue. During the chaos of the Syrian civil war, which has lasted nearly 14 years, the drug production transformed from small-scale operations run by criminal factions to a massive industrial revenue stream bankrolled by the Iranian-backed regime.
Among various locations, the Mazzeh air base in Damascus and former factories, like one intended for producing snack chips, were identified as key sites for Captagon manufacturing. Reports indicate, for example, Firas al-Toot, whose chip factory was overrun by regime collaborators, finding his facility ablaze after the regime fell. “They came at night and lit the drugs on fire but couldn’t burn everything,” said al-Toot. Despite the regime's efforts to destroy the remnants of the trade, traces of its vast production capabilities remain.
According to the New Lines Institute’s Captagon Trade Project, Syria has emerged as the largest global producer of Captagon. Between 2018 and 2019, state-aligned groups and the Assad government heavily invested to build extensive production facilities and trafficking networks capable of producing the drug on an industrial scale.
The lucrative Captagon trade sent much of its product to wealthy Gulf states like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, where it has caused significant public health issues. Drugs were smuggled using various ingenious methods, often concealed within food shipments or even electronics.
With the Assad regime, the profits from Captagon were substantial, amounting to around $2.4 billion yearly solely for the Assad family. “Seeing the discovery of so many industrial-scale facilities affiliated with the regime was shocking but not surprising,” said Caroline Rose, director of the New Lines Institute Captagon Trade Project. Evidence linked regime figures—particularly Bashar al-Assad’s brother Maher—to the orchestration of these drug networks.
Beyond just astonishing revenue, the Captagon trade served as political leverage for Assad, especially as Middle Eastern states began to normalize relations with his government. Syria pledged to address drug trafficking to facilitate its reintegration with the Arab League, following the regime's ousting. The new government has begun reevaluations, pledging to crack down on the drug industry.
During visits to former drug factories and houses now controlled by the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), reporters witnessed captivating scenes of abandoned production lines. HTS leader Ahmad al-Sharaa remarked on how Syria was akin to the largest Captagon factory globally. He stated, “Today, Syria is being cleansed, thanks to the grace of Almighty God.”
The recent control shift has obliterated some of the organized crime operated groups, but experts caution against assuming the end of illicit drug production. They predict traffickers will adapt and create new operations to fill the resilient demand for the drug, possibly relocating production and smuggling to other dubious nations like Iraq, Turkey, or Lebanon.
The Captagon trade's immense economic clout posed significant challenges for neighboring countries grappling with drug-related issues. Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states have ramped up border security, hoping to mitigate the traffic flow. Yet, reports indicate, as drug trafficking efforts intensify, Syrian authorities have faced difficulty monitoring operations tightly intertwined with local civilian economies.
The dilemma is complex. Even with the fall of Assad, shifting the drug trade will not be straightforward. A cultural shift within Syrian society, fostering reliance on illicit economic activity for survival, may ensue. Therefore, experts, including Caroline Rose, stress the need for economic frameworks aimed at reintegrative practices among the formal economy, presenting viable alternatives to illicit activities.
The Captagon saga is not just about past horrors unleashed upon the public; it reflects broader societal struggles. Simple trading doesn’t possess intrinsic dangers alone. Captagon's fabrication utilized rudimentary methods—churning out pills from easily accessible materials—fostering self-perpetuating cycles of addiction and economic despair.
This deeply rooted issue spreads ripples far beyond Syria's borders, reaching regions as distant as Southeast Asia. “We will probably see medium-term supply reduction,” Caroline Rose stated. “Criminal actors are innovative, likely seeking new locations for production as demand remains stable.”
Captagon's segmented supply chain has existed against the backdrop of dramatic political changes, pushing the drug discourse to the forefront once again. Syria’s turbulent relationship with drug trading illuminates the pressing need for thorough inspection and continued engagement within the international community.
