In recent weeks, debates over reproductive rights and maternal health have erupted on both sides of the Atlantic, revealing a troubling pattern: the weaponization of pregnancy is not just an American phenomenon, but a global one. From the halls of the U.S. government to the conference rooms of Abuja, women’s bodies and choices remain at the center of political, legal, and medical crossfire.
On September 25, 2025, President Donald Trump ignited a firestorm by publicly warning against the use of acetaminophen—widely known as Tylenol—during pregnancy, claiming a supposed link to autism. “Taking Tylenol is not good. Don’t take it,” Trump declared, as reported by Ms. Magazine. The announcement, delivered with presidential authority, sent shockwaves through the medical community and left expectant mothers reeling with anxiety.
The response from health experts was swift and unequivocal. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, the American Academy of Family Physicians, and the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine all pushed back, affirming that acetaminophen is safe for pregnant women when used as directed. Even the Food and Drug Administration, while initiating the process for a potential label change, clarified: “While an association between acetaminophen and autism has been described in many studies, a causal relationship has not been established and there are contrary studies in the scientific literature.”
Yet, the damage was done. For many, Trump’s warning was more than just questionable science—it was a potent mix of “blatant misogyny, mom-shaming, and fear-mongering,” as Ms. Magazine described it. Martine Lappé, a sociology professor, told NPR, “We really have a long history of blaming mothers in this country, and we’re seeing that reinforced through the narratives around autism’s causes right now.” One mother, herself raising an autistic daughter, put it bluntly: “It’s like living in ‘The Twilight Zone.’” Another called the stigmatization “a little heartbreaking.”
Dana Sussman, senior vice president of the nonprofit Pregnancy Justice, offered a sobering perspective: “Americans have become totally comfortable with needless pain in maternal health. We have to move away from the comfort this nation seems to have in the concept that while pregnant, people must suffer and sacrifice.”
But the controversy over Tylenol is just one chapter in a broader narrative of reproductive control and criminalization. On September 30, 2025, Pregnancy Justice released new data showing that in the two years since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, at least 412 people have been charged with pregnancy-related crimes across 16 states. The numbers are staggering: Alabama leads with 192 cases, followed by Oklahoma (112) and South Carolina (62). These prosecutions, as detailed by Pregnancy Justice, rarely involve abortion itself—only nine cases pertained to allegations related to abortion, such as possession of abortion medication or attempts to obtain an abortion. The vast majority of charges were brought under child neglect, endangerment, or abuse laws, with some even accused of murder, manslaughter, or abuse of a corpse.
Perhaps most chilling, thirty-one prosecutions targeted individuals who experienced pregnancy loss—miscarriage or stillbirth—treating these personal medical tragedies as suspicious events warranting criminal investigation. Lourdes A. Rivera, president of Pregnancy Justice, emphasized the human cost: “Every one of these 412 cases represents a woman who faced investigation, arrest, and trauma, often after seeking health care. Instead of investing in maternal and reproductive health, prosecutors are weaponizing the law, especially in states already facing maternal mortality and infant health crises.”
This trend, Rivera and others warn, is not only punitive but also exacerbates existing health disparities, particularly in states where maternal and infant health outcomes are already dire. The goal, critics argue, is clear: to exert control over pregnant women and their bodies, using the legal system as a blunt instrument.
Meanwhile, across the Atlantic in Nigeria, the fight over reproductive rights and maternal health takes on a different—yet equally urgent—dimension. On October 1, 2025, the Nigerian Federal Government reaffirmed its commitment to reducing maternal mortality by tackling unsafe abortion and strengthening reproductive health systems. At the International Safe Abortion Conference in Abuja, Minister of Health Professor Muhammad Ali Pate, represented by Robert M. Daniel, cited World Health Organization figures estimating that about 456,000 unsafe abortions occur annually in Nigeria, making it a leading cause of maternal deaths.
“Almost every death and injury that results from unsafe abortion could be prevented by effective contraception, the provision of safe abortion, and timely post-abortion care,” Pate stated, as reported by The Guardian Nigeria. The government’s partnership with Ipas Nigeria—a nonprofit focused on reproductive health—has focused on training health workers and building capacity for quality post-abortion care. But the challenges remain steep.
Consultant obstetrician Dr. Talemoh Wickliffe-Da underscored the need for continuous education, contraception, and health services. “If you solve the problem of ignorance for young people this year, in two years another group will come up again. Education, contraception, and health services must be continuous. We cannot afford complacency,” he said. Wickliffe-Da also called for collaboration between pro-life and pro-choice advocates, noting common ground in preventing unwanted pregnancies, protecting girls from sexual violence, and strengthening health systems. Innovations such as self-care and digital access to contraceptives, he suggested, could empower women and reduce the toll of unsafe abortion.
Dr. Moriam Olaide Jagu, Chairperson of the Ipas Nigeria Board, highlighted another critical barrier: legal protection and resources for health workers. “Health workers must not only be skilled but also confident and legally protected to provide post-abortion care and safe termination services within the law. Without commodities, equipment, and legal safeguards, even skilled providers cannot deliver quality services,” she said. Jagu also called for data-driven advocacy and standardized care centered on women and marginalized groups.
The legal landscape, however, remains a formidable obstacle. Lucky Palmer, Ipas Nigeria’s Country Director, called for reform of Nigeria’s restrictive abortion laws, which date back to 1951. He cited the harrowing case of a 14-year-old rape survivor forced to deliver her father’s child due to legal barriers: “A tragedy that could have been prevented if safe abortion services were accessible.” Palmer challenged lawmakers: “How can we, in 2025, still be obeying a law from 1951? Every other law has evolved, but this one continues to discriminate against women and criminalize their health needs. We need bold action from lawmakers to save lives.”
As the conference drew to a close, stakeholders issued a unified call for stronger collaboration, legal reform, and greater investment in reproductive health services. With unsafe abortion disproportionately affecting poor, uneducated, and rural women, the message was clear: reducing maternal mortality requires comprehensive approaches that prioritize women’s health and rights.
Whether in America’s courtrooms or Nigeria’s clinics, the battle over pregnancy and reproductive autonomy rages on. The stakes are nothing less than life and death, demanding not only scientific rigor and legal clarity, but also empathy and justice for those most at risk.
