On August 28, 2025, the United States and Panama unveiled a bold proposal at the United Nations Security Council: the creation of a powerful new Gang Suppression Force (GSF) to confront Haiti’s spiraling gang violence. The plan, as outlined by Acting U.S. Ambassador Dorothy Shea, would bring together up to 5,500 uniformed personnel and 50 civilians, all supported by a dedicated UN Support Office in Port-au-Prince. This new force, if authorized, would mark a significant escalation in international efforts to restore peace and stability to a country battered by years of insecurity.
The proposal comes at a critical juncture for Haiti. Since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, gangs have tightened their grip, now controlling an estimated 90% of the capital, Port-au-Prince. Their influence has radiated outward, with looting, kidnappings, sexual assaults, and other crimes spreading into provincial towns. The Kenyan-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) force, deployed in June 2024 and authorized for up to 2,500 troops, has struggled to keep pace. With fewer than 1,000 personnel on the ground—well below its target—the MSS has been unable to halt the gangs’ advance or reassure a population desperate for relief.
“I reaffirm the UN’s unwavering solidarity and determination to stand with the Haitian people to achieve peace, dignity, and security,” UN Secretary-General António Guterres declared during the Security Council session, as reported by the Associated Press. Guterres painted a stark picture: 1.3 million Haitians, half of them children, have fled their homes. An astonishing six million people now require humanitarian assistance. Even more alarming, children make up half of gang ranks, a tragic testament to the country’s unraveling social fabric.
Guterres also highlighted the dire state of humanitarian funding. The UN’s $908 million appeal for Haiti in 2025 is less than 10% funded, threatening aid to 1.7 million displaced people. “The humanitarian toll is staggering,” he said. “Six million people need humanitarian assistance.”
For many Haitians, the international community’s efforts have so far fallen short. Eliphète Tanis, a 54-year-old resident of Port-de-Paix in the northwest, voiced his frustration to the Haitian Times: “Neither the MSS forces nor any private mercenaries have achieved significant progress against the gangs. They are not making any advances that demonstrate a commitment to freeing the country from the gangs’ onslaught; instead, the situation is only worsening day by day.” Tanis called on Haitians to take responsibility: “Instead of relying on foreigners and hoping they will solve the problems Haiti is facing, it would be better for Haitians to unite and find solutions themselves.”
The GSF proposal, detailed in a six-page draft resolution obtained by the Associated Press, would authorize U.N. member nations to transition the current mission into a more robust force. The mandate would last for an initial 12 months, with the ability to detain and arrest Haitians, conduct intelligence-led counter-gang operations, and provide security for critical infrastructure—airports, ports, schools, and hospitals—alongside the Haitian police and armed forces. The force would also help combat the illicit trafficking of arms and related materials, a key driver of gang power.
Yet, key questions remain. The draft resolution does not specify which countries will contribute troops or police to the GSF, nor does it clarify whether the force will replace or simply reinforce the existing Kenyan-led MSS, whose mandate expires on October 2, 2025. One council diplomat, speaking anonymously to the AP, suggested that the Kenya-led force would be renamed and expanded into the GSF, with greater UN logistical support and a significant increase in personnel. However, these details have yet to be finalized, and the Security Council is expected to vote on the draft resolution at the end of September.
Panama’s president reiterated his nation’s commitment to supporting Haitian security forces, offering specialized training in urban and critical infrastructure control. Seven countries—including Canada, El Salvador, Guatemala, Jamaica, the Bahamas, Kenya, and Panama—are proposed to form a Standing Group of Partners to provide strategic oversight for the new force. This multilateral approach, supporters argue, is essential for legitimacy and effectiveness.
However, the specter of past international interventions looms large. Previous missions in Haiti have been marred by controversy, from deadly cholera outbreaks to allegations of misconduct and abuses. Analysts warn that any new mission must be carefully managed, with strict oversight, meaningful Haitian participation, and full respect for the nation’s sovereignty. “The mission’s success will hinge on funding, strict oversight and meaningful Haitian participation,” noted experts cited by the Haitian Times.
Meanwhile, private security contractors have also entered the fray. Vectus Global, a U.S. firm led by former Navy SEAL Erik Prince, has been operating in Haiti since March 2025 under the supervision of Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé. The company, which boasts a 10-year contract to help curb gang violence and manage import taxes at the Dominican border, reportedly plans to deploy nearly 200 personnel from various countries. Yet, as Tanis and other locals attest, these efforts have yet to produce tangible results on the ground.
Prince’s involvement is not without controversy. He previously founded Blackwater, the security firm infamously linked to the 2007 massacre of 17 Iraqi civilians. The presence of private military contractors in Haiti has raised concerns about accountability and the risks of repeating past mistakes.
Acting Ambassador Shea made a direct appeal to the international community: “We urge the Security Council to support this new path toward peace and security.” She called for meaningful burden-sharing, inviting nations to join the United States, Panama, and others in supporting Haiti’s security and stability.
Back in February, Guterres had already floated the idea of a dedicated office to provide drones, fuel, and transportation for the Kenya-led mission. The new proposal would formalize and expand that support, with the UN Support Office in Port-au-Prince overseeing logistics, from drone surveillance to rations and fuel.
Despite the urgency, crucial gaps remain. The draft resolution leaves unresolved the sources of funding for the GSF and the mechanisms for coordination with Haitian authorities. With the Security Council set to vote by the end of September, the international community faces a stark choice: scale up its commitment to Haiti or risk watching the crisis deepen further.
For Haiti’s long-suffering population, the stakes could hardly be higher. The coming weeks will determine whether the world is willing—and able—to match its words of solidarity with the resources, resolve, and respect needed to help Haitians reclaim their future.
