As Mexico approaches the one-year mark of President Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration, her government’s ambitious vision—rooted in the philosophy of “for the good of all, first the poor”—is drawing praise and criticism alike. On September 11, 2025, the country’s political landscape buzzed with debate as members of the Chamber of Deputies began their formal analysis of Sheinbaum’s First Government Report, dissecting the successes and stumbles of a presidency that has promised transformation at every level.
Rosa Icela Rodríguez, Mexico’s Secretary of the Interior, didn’t mince words on the government’s progress. Speaking on the weekly podcast La Moreniza, Rodríguez insisted the Fourth Transformation movement—often referred to as 4T—remains steadfast in its commitment to putting the nation’s most vulnerable first. “Our movement has not been mistaken in following the guidelines of ‘for the good of all, first the poor,’” she declared, according to El Universal. She added, “It is a social policy that never forgets where we come from and who we are.”
Rodríguez was quick to highlight advances in both security and health. She described a unified cabinet, saying, “Besides the work, we are one team. There’s nothing but work and more work, willingness, results.” The camaraderie, she emphasized, extends beyond professional duties: “Whenever someone has a problem—‘Do you need something?’—everyone is always supportive, pushing each other along.”
But the most tangible changes, Rodríguez argued, can be seen in the government’s delivery of essential services. “You can’t imagine the happiness when you see that there are medicines even in the furthest corners of the country, in the last mile,” she said. Boxes containing basic medications now reach the most remote health centers, she noted, a feat that has long eluded previous administrations.
On the social front, Rodríguez underscored the administration’s unwavering focus on poverty reduction. “The main objective of a government is the pursuit of happiness, and one of the key aspects is getting out of poverty. We will continue along that path,” she affirmed. She also pointed to unprecedented support for women’s rights and empowerment, stating, “There is no repression, no censorship, with freedom of expression, no persecution of the opposition. We are not in that dimension. This is a country of rights and freedoms.”
Luisa María Alcalde, national president of the ruling Morena party, echoed these sentiments, touting the early rollout of three new social programs: the Rita Cetina scholarship for basic education, support for women aged 60 to 65, and the Health House-to-House program. “These are three additional programs that the president has already implemented. It’s not like in other years when people say, ‘A year is too little time to see results.’ No, people are already receiving these benefits,” Alcalde stated, as reported by Milenio. She also celebrated record highs in formal employment, average wages, low unemployment, and foreign investment, despite what she described as a challenging global context.
Alcalde was particularly proud of the recognition Sheinbaum’s government has received even from opposition governors. “It shows that the 4T party governs for everyone,” she insisted. “When you understand there are democratic processes and elections, and a party wins, but when it comes to governing, it’s for all—there is recognition, governance for absolutely everyone.”
Yet, as with any sweeping reform, the government’s self-assessment faced pushback. The Chamber of Deputies’ analysis brought a chorus of voices from across the political spectrum, each eager to weigh in on Sheinbaum’s first year. Morena deputy Adriana Belinda Quiroz Gallegos praised the administration for placing citizens at the heart of public life through social programs, the recovery of community spaces, and participatory democracy mechanisms such as public consultations and mandate revocation. According to La Jornada, Quiroz Gallegos argued that these measures have fundamentally reshaped the relationship between government and governed.
Legislator Joaquín Zebadúa Alva, also from Morena, pointed to the government’s “humanist approach,” which he credited for lifting 13.4 million people out of poverty. Zebadúa Alva also cited a dramatic reduction in homicides, reporting that the average daily number of killings had dropped from 86.9 to 59.2 between September 2024 and August 2025—a 32% decrease. These figures were corroborated by PT deputy Ricardo Mejía Berdeja, who emphasized the significance of such a decline in a country long plagued by violence.
But opposition voices, such as PAN deputy Amparo Lilia Olivares Castañeda, challenged the government’s narrative. Olivares Castañeda argued that serious problems remain, including insecurity, corruption, institutional weakening, and democratic backsliding. She was particularly critical of the government’s proposed judicial reform, vowing that her party would “defend democracy, freedom of expression, and the separation of powers.”
The debate extended to foreign policy as well. PT deputy Ana Karina Rojo Pimentel supported the administration’s stance on U.S. tariffs and migration, emphasizing the importance of national sovereignty. Meanwhile, MC deputy Claudia Ruiz Massieu, a former Secretary of Foreign Affairs, acknowledged the government’s efforts to protect Mexican migrants in the United States, especially in the face of deportation policies promoted by former U.S. President Donald Trump.
For many observers, the Sheinbaum administration’s first year is a study in contrasts—marked by bold initiatives and hard-won gains, but also by persistent challenges and fierce debate. The government’s supporters point to measurable progress: millions lifted from poverty, falling homicide rates, and social programs reaching new corners of society. Detractors, however, warn of unresolved issues—security threats, corruption, and concerns over the health of Mexico’s democracy.
Still, even critics acknowledge some advances, particularly in the government’s handling of foreign relations and the defense of migrant rights. The administration’s ability to maintain a firm, sovereign stance in negotiations with the United States has drawn grudging respect from across the aisle, suggesting that, at least in some arenas, Sheinbaum’s presidency has managed to bridge Mexico’s often fractious politics.
As Mexico looks ahead to the next year, the stakes remain high. With the government promising to stay the course on its transformative agenda—and the opposition vowing to hold it accountable—the coming months will test whether the Fourth Transformation can deliver on its lofty promises or whether the country’s old divisions will once again take center stage.
