Budapest’s grand boulevards were awash with banners and voices on October 23, 2025, as hundreds of thousands of Hungarians poured into the streets for dueling rallies that laid bare the country’s deep political divide. The date marked Memorial Day for the Revolution of 1956—a somber remembrance of the failed anti-Soviet uprising—but this year, it doubled as a raucous prelude to the most competitive election Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has faced in his 15-year tenure. With national elections looming in April 2026, the capital became a stage for a standoff between Orbán, Hungary’s nationalist leader, and Péter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider turned opposition firebrand.
Orbán’s supporters kicked off the day with a march that began on a bridge spanning the Danube, winding toward the imposing neo-Gothic parliament building. Organizers dubbed it a “peace march,” but the messaging was anything but conciliatory. At the front, a massive banner declared, “We don’t want to die for Ukraine.” According to BBC, the event was less about commemorating the 1956 revolution and more about amplifying Orbán’s fierce opposition to European Union policies on Ukraine and his attacks on the rival Tisza party, led by Magyar.
Orbán, who has led Hungary for 15 years as a far-right populist with increasingly strained ties to the EU and a notably warm relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin, addressed his flag-waving crowd in Parliament Square. His speech was laced with criticism for both Brussels and Kyiv. “Brussels has decided to go to war. If Brussels did not hinder the US president’s peace mission, the war would already be over,” Orbán declared, suggesting that the EU was sabotaging peace efforts in Ukraine and accusing its leaders of being willing "to send others to die." As reported by Deutsche Welle, he continued to frame his opponents as reckless warmongers, stating, “Those who believe they are supporting a change of government are in fact supporting war, whether they realize it or not.”
Orbán’s rhetoric has remained consistent since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in early 2022. He has repeatedly refused to support military aid to Ukraine, opposed Kyiv’s ambitions to join both the EU and NATO, and maintained that Hungary’s sovereignty is threatened not by Russia, but by “the imperial aspirations of the European Union.” In his speech, Orbán claimed that Ukraine “has long ceased to be sovereign and independent and is absolutely not self-sufficient.” He did, however, say he would support a strategic partnership between the EU and Kyiv, but insisted that Ukraine “cannot be members either of our military or economic alliance. They would bring war, take our money, and ruin our economy.”
Meanwhile, across Budapest, Péter Magyar and his supporters gathered at Heroes’ Square, transforming the location into a sea of Hungarian flags and hopeful chants. Magyar, a 44-year-old lawyer and former confidant within Orbán’s Fidesz party, has rapidly ascended to become the prime minister’s chief political rival. His break with Fidesz in February 2024, followed by a surge of public dissatisfaction over the economy and governance, propelled him to the forefront of the opposition. According to AP, Magyar’s rally was both an anti-government protest and a celebration of national resilience, with supporters chanting the historic refrain, “Russians go home”—a pointed jab at Orbán’s close ties with Moscow.
Magyar’s speech was a scathing indictment of Orbán’s leadership. “That politician who demanded Russian troops should leave Hungary, now is the most loyal ally of the Kremlin,” Magyar told the crowd, referencing Orbán’s own famous 1989 speech calling for Soviet withdrawal. “He built a system in which power is centralized, the press is under control... and the country is ruled by fear.” Magyar accused Orbán of impoverishing Hungary by misusing public funds and turning Hungarians against each other. He didn’t mince words about the country’s economic woes, pointing to persistent inflation, poor health care, and allegations of government corruption as symptoms of a system in need of overhaul.
Magyar’s campaign has focused on bread-and-butter issues, and he’s made a concerted effort to reach voters in the countryside—traditionally a Fidesz stronghold. Over the past several months, he completed an 80-day open forum national tour, holding town hall meetings and fielding questions from rural Hungarians. As Reuters noted, this grassroots approach is a direct challenge to Orbán’s rural base and has helped the Tisza party surge in the polls, putting them neck-and-neck with Fidesz just six months ahead of the general election.
Supporters at Magyar’s rally voiced their frustrations and hopes for change. Zsanett Kiss, who traveled from Pápa in western Hungary, said, “I want there to be a change already in this country, and I can say that I’ve had enough, enough of the last 15 years.” Magyar, for his part, urged his followers to embrace inclusivity and reconciliation after the election, signaling a desire to move past the bitter political divisions that have characterized Orbán’s rule.
The dueling rallies were more than just political theater—they were a barometer of the nation’s mood. While Orbán has long relied on nationalism and skepticism of the EU to rally his base, the opposition’s focus on corruption, economic stagnation, and Hungary’s place in Europe is resonating with a growing segment of the electorate. The fact that both rallies drew massive crowds—hundreds of thousands by some estimates—underscores just how high the stakes are as the country heads toward April’s vote. The exact date for the election has not yet been set, but anticipation is already running high.
As the day drew to a close, Orbán prepared to travel to Brussels for an EU summit on support for Kyiv, a reminder that Hungary’s internal divisions are playing out against a backdrop of continental crisis. His insistence on opposing military aid to Ukraine and maintaining friendly relations with Russia has left Hungary increasingly isolated within the EU, even as he pitches himself as the only leader capable of keeping the country out of war. For his part, Magyar continues to press his anti-corruption message and build bridges with disaffected voters, hoping to channel the spirit of 1956 into a new era of Hungarian politics.
With the echoes of “Russians go home” and “We don’t want to die for Ukraine” still reverberating through Budapest’s streets, Hungary finds itself at a crossroads. The coming months will reveal whether the country’s future lies with Orbán’s brand of nationalist populism or with the reformist vision championed by Magyar and the Tisza party. Either way, the 2026 election promises to be a defining moment in Hungary’s modern history.
