The debate over how communities across the United Kingdom and Ireland respond to asylum seekers and refugees has taken center stage once again, as two local authorities—one in Northern Ireland and one in England—recently found themselves at the heart of contentious decisions with national resonance. On Monday, September 15, 2025, Newry, Mourne and Down District Council voted to become a City of Sanctuary, joining an initiative spearheaded by a UK-based NGO that encourages towns and cities to welcome asylum seekers, regardless of their legal status. Meanwhile, in North Yorkshire, local officials and residents celebrated the Home Office’s decision not to house single male asylum seekers at a Northallerton hotel, following strong local opposition and the threat of legal action.
These two stories, unfolding nearly simultaneously, highlight the complex and often divisive nature of asylum policy on both sides of the Irish Sea. They reveal the hopes, fears, and political calculations that shape how communities respond to the arrival—or even the prospect—of new residents seeking refuge.
According to the NGO Cities of Sanctuary, Newry is now the third such sanctuary in Northern Ireland, alongside Belfast and Causeway Borough, and the first in Ireland. The initiative, which has over 100 affiliated groups across the UK, including major cities like Leeds, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Liverpool, and Manchester, urges local councils to provide accommodation and services to asylum seekers, regardless of their legal status. In the United States, similar sanctuary designations have sometimes involved local authorities refusing to cooperate with federal deportation efforts.
Yet, as Cities of Sanctuary itself notes, not all affiliated groups are official council-backed sanctuaries—some are activist collectives. In fact, across England, Scotland, and Wales, only the elected councils of Sheffield, Bradford, Liverpool, Lambeth, and Birmingham had previously passed similar motions. This means Newry’s council, nearly 30 years after the Good Friday Agreement, can claim the accolade of being the sixth such council in the UK and the first on the island of Ireland.
The decision in Newry was not without controversy. Local opposition, particularly among nationalist residents, was fierce. One march against the sanctuary city proposal drew an estimated 1,000 people, described by some commentators as “the first nationalist anti-emigration march in the north.” This opposition, while not reflected in the nationalist-dominated council—where Sinn Féin is the largest party and the SDLP also supported the motion—challenges the narrative that only unionist or loyalist communities harbor concerns about immigration. Protestors argued that designating Newry as a sanctuary would attract more asylum seekers and put further strain on already stretched public services.
These concerns are not without context. Figures published in June 2025 by the Stormont Department of Communities showed that Newry and Mourne had the longest mean waiting time for social housing in Northern Ireland—four years and nine months—with 3,953 people on the waiting list. The overall waiting list under the Sinn Féin/DUP-led Executive stood at 48,325. Given these pressures, some residents questioned the wisdom of making Newry a beacon for asylum seekers, even as their elected representatives argued for compassion and solidarity.
Sinn Féin’s Declan Murphy, who proposed the motion, was unequivocal in his support. “Joining this network sends a clear message that our district stands with those in need. We won’t allow fear or division to define our future,” he stated, according to the council record. SDLP councillor Doire Finn echoed this sentiment, saying, “The Council of Sanctuary network will position the council to be at the forefront of best practice across the UK and Ireland, aligning it with other leading organisations in Northern Ireland that have already received sanctuary awards, such as Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast Health and Social Care Trust and over 42 schools.”
Yet, as Finn also acknowledged, the reality on the ground is more modest. In 2024, there were only 63 registered asylum seekers in the Newry and Mourne Council District area. For supporters, this makes the decision more about values and symbolism than immediate practical impact. For critics, however, it raises questions about the long-term consequences and whether the gesture could lead to increased demand for already scarce resources.
Newry’s move may well inspire other councils in Northern Ireland—and perhaps in the Republic of Ireland—to consider similar steps. The City of Dublin Sanctuary group, for example, is listed among the affiliates of the UK NGO. Registered as Places of Sanctuary and founded in 2016, the Dublin-based charity is almost entirely funded by the state, with an income of €304,129 in 2024, of which 99.75% came from government sources. The Department of Children, Equality, Disability, Integration and Youth provided €130,870 through its International Protection Integration Fund, earmarked for direct costs and wages—a total of €142,057 for four employees last year. The group’s directors include prominent figures such as Gerry Hassett, a former director of Irish Life; Veronica Crosbie, a lecturer in Intercultural Studies at Dublin City University; Martin Meagher, a former director of Carlow Chambers of Commerce; and Jean-Pierre Eyanga Ekumeloko, a former director of the National Consultative Committee on Racism. Despite inquiries, as of September 18, 2025, the group had not responded to questions about whether Dublin Councils planned to follow Newry’s example.
While Newry was embracing its new role, a very different story was playing out in Northallerton, North Yorkshire. On or before September 17, 2025, the Home Office confirmed to North Yorkshire Council that it would not pursue plans to house single male asylum seekers at Allerton Court Hotel. The hotel had housed family groups of asylum seekers for several years, but officials had recently drawn up plans to switch its use to accommodate single men—a proposal that prompted immediate concern from the council and local residents.
North Yorkshire Council leader, Councillor Carl Les, welcomed the Home Office’s decision, stating, “We were very clear with the Government that we had concerns should the plans have been pursued to use the hotel to house numbers of single males. Our view is that this would be entirely inappropriate in the town location.” The local MP, whose name was not specified in the reporting, also voiced gratitude to the council for making clear “the strength of local opposition.” The Local Democracy Reporting Service indicated that the council believed it would have had a strong case to challenge the new use of the hotel on planning grounds if the Home Office had moved forward.
This outcome was met with relief in Northallerton, where many residents had expressed strong opposition to the potential change. The episode underscores the highly localized nature of asylum debates in the UK, where decisions about accommodation and support can become flashpoints for wider anxieties about community identity, public services, and national policy.
As the UK and Ireland continue to grapple with the challenges of refugee protection and integration, the stories of Newry and Northallerton offer a window into the hopes and fears shaping this debate. Whether as a standard bearer for the sanctuary movement or as a community drawing firm lines around who is welcome, each town’s decision will likely echo far beyond its own borders.
