Mexico’s political landscape is once again in the spotlight, as tensions flare over proposed electoral reforms and the allocation of billions in public funds for the upcoming 2026 election cycle. On August 19, 2025, the country witnessed a sharp exchange of views between opposition leaders and electoral authorities, underscoring the high stakes and deep divisions shaping the nation’s democratic future.
At the heart of the controversy lies the proposed electoral reform spearheaded by the ruling Morena party. According to El Heraldo de San Luis Potosí, Sara Rocha Medina, president of the State Steering Committee for the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), did not mince words during a press conference. She declared, “Mexico is going through the worst crisis in its history due to the Morena government, which has made violence, impunity, and corruption its way of governing.” Rocha argued that the electoral reform is little more than a distraction from the country’s grave problems, such as the shortage of medicines and vaccines in public hospitals, the collapse of the IMSS/BIENESTAR system, and ongoing protests by medical personnel.
Rocha’s criticism of the reform was pointed and expansive. She charged that the proposal is designed to build a shield to keep Morena in power perpetually, primarily by limiting the influence of other political parties. “The electoral reform proposal includes eliminating plurinominal seats, which would erase the voices of millions of Mexicans who did not vote for the majority and marks a clear path to authoritarianism by reducing checks and balances in Congress,” Rocha stated, as reported by El Heraldo de San Luis Potosí. She also took issue with the plan to eliminate Local Public Electoral Organizations or to elect them with low participation and closed processes, drawing a parallel to recent changes in the Judicial Power.
For Rocha and the PRI, the stakes are existential. She issued a call to all political forces, civil society, free media, and committed citizens to “unite for Mexico and build national unity,” emphasizing that before any electoral reform, priority must be given to urgent issues affecting everyday citizens. The criticism is not unique to the PRI; it reflects a broader concern among opposition parties and segments of civil society that the proposed changes could tilt the electoral playing field and weaken the country’s democratic institutions.
While the political debate rages, the machinery of democracy continues to grind forward. On the same day, the General Council of the National Electoral Institute (INE) presented its draft budget for the 2026 fiscal year, amounting to more than 18.2 billion pesos, according to Entrelineas. This budget, as INE President Guadalupe Taddei Zavala explained, is not about cutting corners. “Austere does not mean reducing the quality of the Institute’s constitutional functions; instead, it is a responsible budget that seeks well-being through strengthening and institutionalizing a rational, efficient, and effective administrative culture,” she said during an extraordinary session.
The draft budget includes funds to prepare for the 2026-2027 Federal Electoral Process, which will see the renewal of the Chamber of Deputies and the second stage of the election of magistrates and judges of the Federal Judiciary. There are also resources earmarked for the local electoral process in Coahuila, as well as strategic projects aimed at strengthening democratic culture, inclusion, gender equity, and data protection. “With the presentation of this draft, the National Electoral Institute reaffirms its commitment to budgetary responsibility, administrative efficiency, and the strengthening of our country’s democratic system,” Taddei Zavala insisted, as reported by Entrelineas.
Notably, the projected base budget for 2026 represents only a 1.61% increase compared to 2025, a figure that Taddei Zavala highlighted as evidence of efficiency and rationality in spending. In addition, the INE approved a precautionary budget of over 3.1 billion pesos for organizing a possible Popular Consultation, a mechanism that has gained traction in recent years as a way to address major national questions through direct democracy.
Another major item on the agenda was the approval of public financing for political parties in 2026, totaling 7.737 billion pesos. This sum covers ordinary permanent activities, specific activities, and communication franchises for all registered national parties. According to Dania Ravel Cuevas, president of the Commission on Prerogatives and Political Parties, the allocation follows a constitutional formula: 30% is distributed equally, while 70% is based on the results of the previous Chamber of Deputies election. For 2026, Morena is set to receive more than 2.615 billion pesos, the National Action Party (PAN) over 1.297 billion pesos, and the PRI more than 982 million pesos.
Ravel Cuevas also underscored a critical requirement of the General Law of Political Parties: each party must allocate 3% of its ordinary public financing annually to activities promoting the political leadership of women. “The allocation of these resources is fundamental for building a solid gender-parity democracy,” she emphasized, according to Entrelineas.
Despite the technical and legal rigor underpinning the budget process, the politics swirling around electoral reform remain fraught. Rocha and her allies warn that the proposed elimination of plurinominal seats—those distributed proportionally to ensure minority representation—would silence millions of voters who did not back the majority party. Critics argue that such a move would not only reduce political pluralism but also diminish the checks and balances that prevent any one party from dominating Congress.
Supporters of the reform, however, claim that streamlining representation and reducing the number of legislative seats could make government more efficient and responsive. They argue that the changes are necessary to modernize Mexico’s democratic institutions and curb costs. Yet, as Rocha and others have pointed out, the debate over electoral reform has become a lightning rod for broader concerns about governance, transparency, and the health of Mexican democracy itself.
Meanwhile, the INE’s role as an independent arbiter of elections faces its own set of challenges. The Institute must not only manage the vast logistical and financial complexities of organizing federal and local elections, but also maintain public trust amid accusations of partisanship and external pressures. Taddei Zavala was keen to stress that the INE remains a pillar of the nation’s democracy, guided by the constitutional principles of austerity and rationality in spending.
As the draft budget now heads to the Executive for inclusion in the 2026 federal spending plan, and ultimately to the Chamber of Deputies for final approval, the months ahead promise further debate and, likely, more political fireworks. The outcome will shape not only the immediate electoral process but also the broader trajectory of Mexico’s democratic experiment.
For now, the battle lines are drawn. The PRI and other opposition voices vow to resist what they see as a slide toward authoritarianism, while electoral authorities press ahead with preparations for a complex and consequential election cycle. The fate of Mexico’s democracy, it seems, will be decided not in back rooms or press conferences alone, but in the hard-fought arena of public debate and, ultimately, at the ballot box.