In the heart of Buenos Aires, two stories are currently sending ripples through Argentina’s political and social landscape. One centers on the controversial business dealings of the Menem family—longtime fixtures of the country’s political elite—while the other focuses on a precedent-setting indictment for antisemitism against a prominent left-wing legislator. Both cases, though distinct, highlight the intricate interplay between power, influence, and public scrutiny in the nation’s evolving democracy.
Just days before the closing of electoral lists for the Buenos Aires Province elections, news broke of a nearly four-billion-peso contract awarded to Tech Security SRL, a private security company closely tied to the Menem family. According to reporting by Buenos Aires Times, Tech Security secured the right to guard the central office of Banco Nación for the next two years. While this might have seemed like business as usual—after all, Tech Security had already been providing these services—what raised eyebrows was the company’s ownership structure and its deep entanglement with Argentina’s current government.
Until December 2, 2023, just four days before President Javier Milei’s inauguration, Martín Menem—a key figure in the ruling La Libertad Avanza coalition and current Speaker of Congress—was listed as a partner in Tech Security. On December 6, Martín transferred his shares to his brother Adrián Menem, a move that, according to Buenos Aires Times, was widely regarded as a formality rather than a genuine withdrawal from the business. The government, for its part, appeared unconvinced by the gesture, seeing it as little more than a paper shuffle.
Tech Security’s origins trace back to 2005, when it was founded by Fernando Menem and his friend Pablo Vázquez. Today, Vázquez holds 51% of the company, Fernando 34%, and Martín 15%. Over the years, the firm has steadily expanded its portfolio, providing security services not only for Banco Nación but also for major football clubs such as River Plate and Racing, the Argentine Football Association (AFA), and various state departments. Its specialty? Security at mass events and institutional offices—a niche that has proved lucrative, especially as the Menem family’s political fortunes have risen once again.
But Tech Security is just one piece of a much larger web. The Menem family’s business interests span consultancy firms, real estate development, finance, and even food supplement labs. Martín Menem himself has declared stakes in multiple companies, including a 22% share in a brand associated with former golf player and current deputy Daniel Vancsik, as well as interests in consultancy and real estate firms dating back to 2005 and 2012. Purgato, another company co-owned by Fernando Menem and Vázquez, won a significant cleaning contract at the Instituto Nacional de Cine y Artes Audiovisuales (INCAA) in 2019.
The Menems’ proximity to power has only grown since Javier Milei’s ascent. The family’s resurgence comes via a close alliance with Karina Milei, the president’s sister and chief-of-staff. Each Menem sibling plays a distinct role within the Milei administration’s inner circle: Martín in the Chamber of Deputies, cousin Eduardo ‘Lule’ Menem as a top advisor in the Casa Rosada, and Adrián as a behind-the-scenes operator. Fernando, meanwhile, has largely avoided the political spotlight.
Yet, as Buenos Aires Times notes, the Menem family’s business dealings have not been without controversy. The awarding of the Banco Nación contract has prompted scrutiny and even led the bank to request an extension of the current agreement while consulting the Anti-Corruption Office before finalizing the renewal. Tech Security’s balance sheet has also shifted, with about 80% of its invoicing now coming from private sector contracts, compared to a previous 50-50 split between public and private clients.
Meanwhile, the Menems’ business acumen extends beyond security. In April 2024, Sergio Andrés Aguirre, Martín Menem’s partner in TR Nutrition SRL, established Htech Innovation SA. By July 18, 2025, the company had broadened its range to include consultancy services. Shortly after, Htech Innovation landed a contract worth over 40 million pesos with the OSPRERA healthcare scheme—a deal that followed a nearly two-hour meeting between Aguirre and Lule Menem at the Casa Rosada. The arrangement raised questions about possible conflicts of interest, especially given the roles played by Aguirre’s mother and other close associates within OSPRERA.
As the Menem family navigates this new era of influence and scrutiny, another political storm is brewing in the capital. On August 7, 2025, Vanina Biasi, a legislator from the left-wing Workers’ Party, became the first sitting lawmaker in Argentina to be indicted on criminal charges for antisemitism. The charges stem from eight tweets she posted on X (formerly Twitter) between November 27, 2023, and January 29, 2024, in which she compared Israel to the Nazi regime and referred to it as a “genocide state.”
Prosecutors argued that Biasi’s posts, which included statements such as “The Zionist Nazis need to destroy UNRWA humanitarian aid so the extermination can accelerate. They use famine, like in Nazi concentration camps, as a method of extermination,” went far beyond protected free speech and constituted hate speech under Argentina’s Anti-Discrimination Law. A federal judge agreed in April 2024, ruling that the posts incited hatred against Jews and ordering the seizure of assets worth approximately $7,500.
Biasi’s legal team mounted a defense on free speech grounds, but the Federal Chamber unanimously upheld both the indictment and asset seizure. The judges stated that freedom of expression is not absolute and can be limited to protect the rights of others, national security, public order, health, or morals. They concluded that Biasi had crossed the line into hate speech, making her the first Argentine legislator to be indicted for antisemitism based on social media posts. If convicted, she faces a prison sentence ranging from one month to three years.
The case has sharply divided public opinion. Some Argentines argue that, however offensive, Biasi’s comments should not be criminalized. Others welcome the government’s tough stance against antisemitism, particularly given Argentina’s adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism in 2020. DAIA, the country’s main Jewish political umbrella group, supported the charges, stating that Biasi’s posts reproduced “classic stigmas of modern antisemitism” and that her prominence amplified their negative impact.
For her part, Biasi has remained defiant, calling the prosecution politically motivated. “Now the court confirms the prosecution … when the whole world is talking about nothing but the genocide being perpetrated by the State of Israel,” she tweeted, urging supporters to protest. The government, under President Milei, has adopted a notably pro-Israel and anti-antisemitism stance, further fueling the debate.
These two stories—the Menem family’s intricate dance between business and politics, and the legal boundaries of free speech in the digital age—capture the complexities of modern Argentina. As the country grapples with questions of influence, accountability, and the limits of expression, its citizens are left to ponder: Who truly holds power, and at what cost?
