In a dramatic escalation of efforts to curb the regional drug trade, one of Lebanon’s largest illicit Captagon factories has been discovered and destroyed, following a rare display of intelligence sharing between Iraq and Lebanon. According to announcements made by Iraq’s Interior Ministry on August 19, 2025, the operation marks a significant milestone in the ongoing battle against the proliferation of the highly addictive amphetamine, Captagon, which has become a scourge across the Middle East and beyond.
The discovery and subsequent destruction of the factory in Yammoune village, nestled in Lebanon’s eastern Bekaa Valley, came in mid-July after Iraqi authorities tipped off their Lebanese counterparts. The Lebanese army, in a statement issued shortly after the raid, confirmed the presence of large quantities of drugs at the site, highlighting the scale of the operation. While Lebanon’s security agencies are no strangers to working with international partners, the collaboration with Iraq’s intelligence services stands out as a rare and effective example of cross-border cooperation in a region often marred by political distrust and fragmented law enforcement efforts.
“It is not clear why Iraqi authorities made the announcement on Monday,” a senior Lebanese security official remarked on August 19, 2025, underscoring the ongoing, if sometimes opaque, nature of regional intelligence sharing. The official added, “Lebanon’s security agencies are always in contact with Arab and international security agencies.” This comment, reported by multiple outlets, speaks to the complex web of relationships underpinning anti-drug operations in the Middle East, where national interests and shared threats frequently collide.
The Captagon trade is not just a Lebanese or Syrian problem; it is a transnational crisis with deep political and economic ramifications. Western governments estimate that the trade in Captagon has generated billions of euros in revenue for former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, his associates, and his allies. These staggering sums have reportedly helped finance a range of activities, from propping up the Syrian regime during years of civil conflict to enriching a shadowy network of loyalists and regional power brokers. The former government in Damascus, however, has consistently denied these accusations, insisting that it has no involvement in the trade of the illicit drug.
The context for this crackdown is as volatile as it is complex. In December 2024, Islamist fighters seized control of Damascus, forcing al-Assad from power. This seismic shift in Syria’s political landscape has had immediate repercussions for the region’s drug trade. According to regional officials and analysts cited by sources such as the Associated Press and Reuters, the fight against drug production has intensified in both Lebanon and Syria since al-Assad’s ouster. The new authorities, keen to establish legitimacy and stem the flow of narcotics, have ramped up operations against traffickers and manufacturers alike.
Captagon, a synthetic stimulant originally developed in the 1960s for medical use, has in recent years become the drug of choice for many in the Middle East, particularly among young people in the Gulf states. Its appeal lies in its potent effects—users report heightened alertness, euphoria, and a sense of invincibility—but its consequences can be devastating, ranging from addiction and mental health crises to violent behavior and social breakdown. The vast majority of the world’s Captagon is produced in Syria, with Lebanon serving as a secondary hub for manufacturing and distribution.
Smugglers have long exploited the porous borders and shifting alliances of the region to move Captagon pills out of Syria, often using Jordan as a corridor to reach oil-rich Arab Gulf states. The profits are enormous, and the risks—while significant—are often outweighed by the potential rewards. This has made the fight against Captagon a priority not just for Lebanon and Syria, but for neighboring countries as well.
In February 2025, the interior ministers of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and Iraq convened in Amman to discuss coordinated strategies for combating the illegal drug trade. The outcome of those talks was the establishment of a joint telecommunications cell designed to facilitate the rapid exchange of information between the participating countries. This initiative, while still in its early stages, represents a tangible step toward a more unified regional approach to the problem.
Regional states are intensifying their efforts to fight the drug trade, recognizing that no single country can tackle the problem alone. The destruction of the Yammoune factory is a case in point: without the tip-off from Iraqi intelligence, it is unlikely that Lebanese authorities would have been able to act so swiftly or decisively. This operation demonstrates the value of cross-border cooperation, even in a region where trust is often in short supply.
Still, challenges abound. The sheer scale of Captagon production in Syria, combined with the ongoing instability in both Syria and Lebanon, makes it difficult to sustain long-term progress. Traffickers are quick to adapt, shifting their operations to new locations or employing ever more sophisticated methods to evade detection. And while the removal of al-Assad has created new opportunities for enforcement, it has also unleashed a wave of uncertainty that traffickers may exploit.
For many observers, the destruction of Lebanon’s largest Captagon factory offers a glimmer of hope in an otherwise grim landscape. It shows that, with the right intelligence and the will to act, even the most entrenched criminal enterprises can be disrupted. But it also serves as a reminder of the scale of the challenge ahead. With billions of euros at stake and powerful interests on all sides, the fight against Captagon is likely to remain a defining issue for the region for years to come.
As regional governments continue to grapple with the fallout from Syria’s civil war and the shifting sands of Middle Eastern politics, the battle against Captagon stands as both a test of their resolve and a measure of their ability to work together. The recent operation in Lebanon, made possible by Iraqi intelligence, suggests that progress is possible—even if it comes one factory at a time.
