In the ever-shifting landscape of global power, 2025 has become a year of remarkable realignment. The United States, once the undisputed leader of the international order, is now facing turbulence both at home and abroad. Meanwhile, China, under the steady leadership of Xi Jinping, is seizing its moment on the world stage, advancing its influence with calculated precision. Nowhere is this changing tide more evident than in the complex triangle of relations between the US, China, and India—a dynamic that is redefining alliances, trade, and the very concept of global leadership.
The signs of this transformation are hard to miss. On September 3, 2025, Beijing hosted a massive military parade to commemorate the 80th anniversary of Japan’s surrender in World War II. The event was a show of military might and diplomatic symbolism. Xi Jinping stood shoulder to shoulder with Russia’s Vladimir Putin and North Korea’s Kim Jong-un, a tableau that underscored the deepening ties among these authoritarian leaders. Notably absent was Donald Trump, the American president, who had not been invited and instead resorted to venting his frustration on social media. As reported by multiple sources, this diplomatic slight was no accident; it sent a clear message that Trump’s America was no longer at the center of global power.
This episode is just one piece of a much larger puzzle. Early 2025 surveys across 24 countries revealed a sharp decline in favorable opinions of the United States. In 15 countries, positive views dropped by as much as a third, with key allies like Mexico, Sweden, Poland, and Canada registering double-digit declines. In 19 countries, majorities openly questioned Trump’s ability to handle international affairs, and his policies on the environment and global economy faced significant skepticism—72% and 67% disapproval rates, respectively. According to survey data cited by international outlets, descriptors such as "arrogant" and "dangerous" dominated public perceptions of Trump, with 80% calling him self-absorbed and two-thirds labeling him a danger. Even the attribute of being a "strong leader" was overshadowed by accusations of ineptness and self-absorption.
Trump’s approach to foreign policy has only accelerated this decline. Rather than a coherent strategy, his administration has often appeared driven by personal grievances and headline-grabbing gestures. His much-publicized meeting with Putin in Alaska ended with the Russian leader dominating the press conference and Trump left to parrot Russian talking points, a performance that unsettled America’s European allies. Similarly, the high-profile overtures to North Korea’s Kim Jong-un—once hailed as breakthroughs—have yielded little, as North Korea’s nuclear arsenal continues to grow, with some experts warning it may soon surpass Britain’s.
Back home, Trump’s cabinet appointments have added to the sense of instability. A defense chief with limited experience and an intelligence director focused more on personal loyalty than expertise have left the US government looking unsteady. The economic front hasn’t fared much better. Trump’s decision to impose a 50% tariff on Indian goods—including a 25% penalty for India’s purchase of Russian oil—has alienated key partners and driven countries like Mexico to strengthen economic ties with China. According to trade statistics, China’s economic relationships with middle-income countries have soared, with Mexico’s preference for Chinese trade rising from 15% in 2015 to 45% in 2025.
The shift in American strategy is not limited to Trump’s personal style. At the 5th World Congress on Taiwan Studies in May 2025, analysts discussed a profound pivot in US grand strategy: moving away from an Indo-Pacific focus to a Eurasian one, with the Russia-Ukraine conflict as a backdrop. Initially, the Trump administration’s 2017 renaming of Asia-Pacific Policy to Indo-Pacific Policy was seen as a positive move, emphasizing democratic partnerships with India, Australia, and Japan under the QUAD alliance. But by 2025, this narrative had soured. The US began framing India as "Russia’s laundromat," accusing it of fueling Russia’s war against Ukraine. On August 19, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt explained that punitive tariffs on India were designed to deter Russia from continuing the Ukraine conflict.
For India, this shift has been jarring. Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar has repeatedly pointed out that India is not alone in purchasing Russian oil and that its imports serve both national and global interests. Despite rounds of negotiations, the much-anticipated India-US trade deal—projected to bring $500 billion in investments by 2030—remains stalled. The Trump administration’s antagonistic stance is seen by many analysts as an attempt to contain India’s rise, reflecting concerns that Washington’s support for China’s growth in previous decades inadvertently created a formidable rival. As commentator Venus Upadhayaya notes, "There are no unconditional friendships or perfectly converging or absolutely diverging relations in geopolitics—it’s all about engagement."
Meanwhile, China’s ascent continues almost unabated. In 2025, perceptions of China improved in 15 of 25 countries surveyed, with belief in Xi Jinping’s leadership rising in 16 countries to a weighted average of 25%. The change is most pronounced among middle-income nations, where China’s Belt and Road Initiative and other investments are increasingly popular. At the recent Shanghai Summit, Xi promoted a new economic and security order that prioritized developing nations, standing between Russian and Indian leaders as a symbol of Beijing’s growing influence. China’s investments in the Middle East, North Africa, Africa, and Latin America have further expanded its reach, with favorable views of Chinese investment on the rise.
China’s diplomatic efforts are matched by its economic and technological advances. By 2025, 12 of 24 countries surveyed saw China as the world’s greatest economy, while the rest still favored the US. The Democracy Perception Index of 2025 reported the United States trailing China in net global opinion, and a stunning 76 out of 96 surveyed nations now held more positive views of Beijing than Washington. The 2022 Winter Olympics saw China and Russia declare a "no limits partnership" with no forbidden areas of cooperation—a direct challenge to the US-led global order.
The implications of this shift are profound. The erosion of American leadership has weakened international institutions like the UN and NATO, while trade skirmishes have disrupted supply chains and accelerated the creation of alternative institutions such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Security vacuums, particularly in the Middle East, have been filled by China, which has mediated conflicts and extended its influence without the military overreach that has burdened the West.
For India, the challenge is to navigate this new multipolar world with agility. As the global order evolves, India finds itself both courted and contained by the major powers. While the US may see India as central to its grand strategy, the relationship is now defined by complexity and shifting narratives. As Upadhayaya observes, "India should take a recourse—in fact, in its march towards the mid-century it’ll have to face similar situations multiple times and will be required to rethink again and again."
As the world watches the United States recalibrate its alliances and China rise to new heights, the question remains: can America reclaim its lost stature, or has the era of American unipolarity truly come to an end? For now, the balance of power is in flux, and the choices made in Washington, Beijing, and New Delhi will shape the future of global leadership for generations to come.