The horrific Sednaya Prison in Syria has thrown the spotlight on the reality of Egypt’s prisons, the files of those forgotten behind bars, and the fate of the victims of torture and forced disappearance during the rule of current Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi. Thousands of Egyptian families fear a repeat of the Sednaya tragedy, considering the continued detention of Al-Sisi’s political opponents since the July 2013 coup, which includes children, women, the ill, and the elderly. Imprisonment often follows trials deemed by human rights organizations to fall short of international standards of justice.
“We don’t want to be like Syria,” expressed one Egyptian human rights initiative. Such sentiments reflect the overwhelming fears haunting detainee families and raise pressing questions: Are underground Egyptian prisons operational? What is the fate of those who have been forcibly disappeared? How many victims of torture or medical negligence exist? Why does Egypt refuse international inspections of its prisons? Is there a facility akin to Sednaya within its borders? Do Egypt's prisons adhere to any recognized human rights standards?
Under the headline “Sednaya Egypt… the cemeteries of the living,” the London-based NGO Human Rights Egypt mapped out the nation’s notorious prisons, including Badr, Al-Abadiya, Al-Azouli, Burj Al-Arab, Abu Zaabal, Wadi Al-Natrun, Assiut Prison, and New Valley. They have urged authorities to empty Egyptian prisons of political detainees and halt the abuses faced by opponents of the regime inside these suffering cells. Currently, there are approximately 78 main prisons across Egypt, complemented by hundreds of detention centers and secret cells linked to the National Security Agency.
An eyewitness disclosed working on the construction of underground prisons, stating, “I cannot reveal more details for fear of exposing my identity.” Political detainees endure numerous rights violations. The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI) estimated the number of such detainees at around 65,000 as of 2021. Reports from the Egyptian Front for Human Rights indicate these individuals face abuses like solitary confinement, beatings, deprivation of essentials, round-the-clock surveillance, and even torture via methods such as electric shocks.
High-profile detainees include elderly political figures like the Muslim Brotherhood's Supreme Guide Mohamed Badie, aged 81; his deputy Rashad Al-Bayoumi, aged 89; and former presidential candidate Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh, aged 73. The count of victims subjected to forced disappearances reportedly surged to 1,720 between September 2023 and August 2024. Curious figures surrounding the topic include 18,439 individuals forcibly disappeared since 2013, with the El-Shehab Centre for Human Rights documenting 65 extrajudicial killings.
A report from the Geneva-based Committee of Justice highlighted 296 deaths within Egyptian prisons from January 2020 to June 2024. The Interior Ministry consistently claims these deaths result from natural causes—citing heart attacks or drops in blood pressure—and dismisses any accusations of wrongdoing as the work of the Muslim Brotherhood.
This month, authorities arranged for members of the Egyptian House of Representatives, Senate, and representatives from the UN and African Commission to tour Badr Correctional Centre. This inspection aimed to showcase the supposed educational and medical services available to prisoners. Yet, human rights organizations remain skeptical of the integrity of such visits, noting they are barred from meaningful access to opposition leaders imprisoned on political charges.
Last year, alarming reports surfaced of suicide attempts among prisoners at Badr 3 due to abysmal conditions. Families of detainees submitted complaints demanding the government’s National Council for Human Rights intervene, highlighting the pressing need for reform. Ten human rights organizations have voiced concerns about deteriorated conditions at the Badr Rehabilitation and Reform Centre, directly challenging the government's narrative of improvement.
Political researcher Amr Al-Masry stated, “You may not find an equivalent to Sednaya in the Arab world, but caution is necessary.” The term “prison sector” was transformed to “community protection sector” with inmates labeled as “prisoners” under Al-Sisi's rule, leading to ridicule over the festive opening of new prison complexes.
Recent protests by Egyptian opposition members living abroad sought to draw attention to the situation, highlighting how they believe Al-Sisi's regime mirrors the oppressive practices of the Assad administration. Their provocative slogans likened Al-Sisi to Bashar al-Assad, emphasizing his longstanding tradition of silencing free voices.
Activist Haitham Ghoneim initiated a campaign to document cases of forcibly disappeared individuals through social media, requesting families to submit detailed information about their missing relatives. Such grassroots efforts amplify the emotional and political ramifications of widespread abuses faced by the dissidents.
The fears of the Egyptian populace about potential parallels to the Sednaya nightmare remain real and pressing. Egyptian authorities must address these concerns with substantive steps to reform and restore their human rights reputation and avoid following the same catastrophic path as Syria's regime under Bashar al-Assad. The stakes for accountability and reform continue to rise, urging immediate action to prevent history from repeating under the heavy burdens of tyranny.
