In the rolling foothills of western North Carolina, Jamie Ager’s farm bears the scars of a brutal year. Hurricane Helene, which tore through the region in 2024, left devastation in its wake—power lines down, fences splintered, and livestock scattered. The storm, one of the state’s most destructive in recent memory, caused nearly $60 billion in damage and claimed more than 100 lives, according to the Associated Press. For Ager, a fifth-generation farmer, the calamity wasn’t just a personal blow. It became the crucible that launched him into the political arena, as he now seeks to represent North Carolina’s 11th Congressional District in the U.S. House.
Ager’s journey from local farmer to congressional candidate is emblematic of a broader Democratic strategy for the 2026 midterms. Facing a House map where Republicans hold a slim majority, Democrats are betting on a new crop of candidates with deep local roots and real-world experience—especially in rural districts where Donald Trump’s popularity still looms large. As the AP reports, Ager lost his beef contract with local schools earlier this year, a direct result of billions of dollars in cuts to the U.S. Department of Agriculture under the Trump administration. The loss, coupled with the slow trickle of federal aid after Helene, has left Ager and many of his neighbors feeling abandoned by Washington.
“Helene hitting definitely put an exclamation point on, like, ‘Whoa, we need help and support,’” Ager told the AP. In the aftermath, his Hickory Nut Gap farm became a community hub, hosting cookouts and grilling food for neighbors using propane when power was out. These acts of neighborliness, Ager believes, resonate more than high-minded political rhetoric. “The ideas of helping poor people, being neighborly, the ideal of doing those things, I think, are worthy, good ideas that are actually popular. But the execution of a lot of those ideas has been gummed up, you know, not well executed,” he said.
Democratic leaders see candidates like Ager as high-risk, high-reward bets in districts where the party brand has struggled. North Carolina’s 11th, redrawn by the Republican-controlled legislature in 2011 and made only slightly more competitive by a 2020 court-ordered redistricting, hasn’t sent a Democrat to Congress since the new lines were drawn. Republican Chuck Edwards, the incumbent, won the seat by nearly 14 percentage points in 2024 and is expected to run again. Still, with only a handful of seats needed to flip the House, Democrats are hopeful. “Recruitment matters in these years when the environment is going to be competitive,” Democratic pollster John Anzalone told the AP, emphasizing the need for candidates who can connect with skeptical voters.
It’s not just North Carolina where Democrats are seeking local credibility. In western Michigan, state Senator Sean McCann, a soft-spoken public servant with deep roots in Kalamazoo, is running in a conservative district currently held by Republican Bill Huizenga. At a recent meeting at Kalamazoo’s Family Health Center, where nearly 65% of patients rely on Medicaid, McCann heard firsthand concerns about the impact of nearly $1 trillion in Medicaid cuts included in President Donald Trump’s $4.1 trillion tax and spending cuts law. “It’s about being home in the community and listening to our community’s values—and carrying those to Washington,” McCann said, as reported by the AP.
Republicans, for their part, are keenly aware of the political risks posed by the unpopular megabill. According to Semafor, GOP lawmakers are largely steering clear of in-person public forums after incidents like Rep. Mike Flood’s Nebraska town hall, where boos from constituents opposing the law drowned out his remarks. Instead, Republicans are focusing on smaller, controlled interactions—telephone town halls, social media videos, and friendly business visits—to highlight the law’s more popular provisions, such as tax breaks for parents, overtime pay, and tips. Rep. Jason Smith of Missouri posted a video of a foreman praising the overtime provision, while Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa showcased a restaurateur lauding changes to tip taxation.
“When people find out the truth, that what we did was added work requirements—which 80% of the American people agree with—and that we put in simple things like more frequent eligibility requirements—which people agree with—that’s good stuff,” Rep. Byron Donalds of Florida told Semafor. “We should sell it, not be afraid of it.” Republicans like Rep. Bill Huizenga and Mike Haridopolos of Florida are opting for telephone town halls, where they can control the crowd and mute hostile constituents after questions are asked.
Despite these efforts, public opinion remains stubbornly negative. A July 2025 poll cited by both the AP and Semafor found that six in ten voters oppose the Trump administration’s tax and spending cuts law, in part because of its deep reductions to social safety nets. Democrats have seized on this discontent, with Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spokesperson Viet Shelton telling Semafor, “There is no way for Republicans to sugarcoat or hide from the reality that their only legislative ‘accomplishment’ strips away health care from millions of Americans, raises insurance premiums, and jacks up electricity bills—all to pay for tax breaks for the wealthiest few.”
Republicans acknowledge they may have lost the initial messaging battle on Medicaid cuts, but they remain optimistic about the coming campaign. House Republican Conference Chair Lisa McClain of Michigan has been visiting manufacturers in swing districts to talk up the law’s benefits in more controlled settings. “We have like a year’s worth of material here,” Rep. Warren Davidson of Ohio told Semafor, referring to the steady rollout of positive talking points in newsletters and town halls.
As the midterms approach, both parties are bracing for a showdown over government funding. With a September 30 deadline looming, deficit hawks in the GOP are pushing to maintain or reduce current spending levels, arguing that inflation makes even flat budgets a cut in real terms. “It is no secret that I think the big, beautiful bill needed to go further on spending restraint,” Rep. Chip Roy of Texas said. “However, it was a massive leap forward … and I think that’s an important message that we need to double down on, including with respect to the spending bill in September.”
Meanwhile, Democrats are watching races in places like Iowa’s 2nd District, where state Rep. Lindsay James—a fourth-term lawmaker and Presbyterian pastor—is considering a run, and Kentucky’s 6th District, where former federal prosecutor Zach Dembo is making his first bid for office. These candidates, like Ager and McCann, hope their local ties and outsider status can help reconnect with voters wary of national party brands.
“Yes, the Democratic Party has some taint to it,” Ager admitted to the AP. “But when I go talk to Republicans who are friends that I’ve known forever, there’s genuine admiration and mutual respect for each other. And that comes from being in this community forever.”
With both parties recalibrating their strategies in the face of shifting public opinion and economic uncertainty, the 2026 midterms promise to be a test not just of policy, but of trust and authenticity in American politics.
