Beijing is preparing to host one of the most significant military and diplomatic events in recent years: a massive parade on September 3, 2025, marking the 80th anniversary of Victory Day, the end of World War II. As tanks rehearse on the streets near Tiananmen Square, fighter jets roar overhead, and subway stations close for security, the Chinese capital is abuzz with anticipation—not just for the spectacle, but for the global political reverberations it promises to set off.
According to Xinhua, China’s state news agency, the parade will feature thousands of troops, over 100 aircraft, and hundreds of ground vehicles, including a much-touted “new-generation” of missiles, hypersonic systems, and submarine drones. The event is designed to showcase the reorganized structure of the People’s Liberation Army, which has undergone several rounds of reform under President Xi Jinping. Wu Zeke, a senior officer of the Joint Staff Department of China’s Central Military Commission, emphasized at a press conference that the parade will demonstrate the Chinese military’s "strong ability to safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests, as well as to uphold world peace."
But the military display is only half the story. The parade is also a stage for diplomatic theater, as 26 foreign leaders—many from nations with complicated or even adversarial relationships with the United States—have accepted invitations to attend. Among the most closely watched guests are Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian. Their attendance, alongside Chinese President Xi Jinping, marks the first-ever gathering of the so-called CRINK bloc (China, Russia, Iran, North Korea), sometimes dubbed the “Axis of Upheaval.” As Newsweek notes, this rare convergence underscores Beijing’s growing diplomatic clout and its ability to convene leaders who rarely appear together on the world stage.
Neil Thomas, a fellow on Chinese politics at the Asia Society, highlighted the significance of the guest list on social media: “For the first time, the leaders of China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea will be in the same place—at Beijing’s September 3 military parade to commemorate WWII. Could we see the inaugural summit of the so-called 'axis of autocracies?'”
The symbolism is striking. Compared to the 2015 parade, when seven of 24 attendees were democratically elected leaders, only six of the 26 leaders expected this year govern democracies. The rest represent a growing cohort of authoritarian regimes. Countries returning from the 2015 lineup include Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, Mongolia, and Pakistan, while first-time attendees such as Russia, Iran, North Korea, Kazakhstan, Nepal, and Sri Lanka reflect the shifting geopolitical winds. Notably, South Korea, which sent its president in 2015, will not be represented at the same level this year—a sign of the changing dynamics in East Asia.
Kim Jong Un’s attendance is perhaps the most remarkable. According to The Diplomat, this will be his first multilateral diplomatic event, marking a major shift from his usual preference for bilateral summitry. His presence in Beijing opens the door to sideline meetings, including a possible trilateral summit with Putin and Xi. Such a meeting would be highly symbolic, especially as North Korea and Russia have strengthened their ties since Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, recently signing a new security agreement during Putin’s visit to Pyongyang in June 2024. Until now, North Korea’s engagement with China had stalled, but Kim’s participation in Beijing could signal a new chapter in regional diplomacy.
Meanwhile, the guest list has conspicuous absences. U.S. President Donald Trump will not attend, nor will any senior American official. Europe’s presence has also waned since 2015, reflecting a downturn in China-Europe relations and the broader chill in East-West diplomacy. Mahmoud Abbas of Palestine, who attended in 2015, is absent this year, even as support for the Palestinian cause remains strong in some quarters amid ongoing conflict in Gaza. The Caribbean, Middle East and North Africa, Oceania, South America, and sub-Saharan Africa are all sending fewer leaders than a decade ago, which analysts attribute to the increasingly fraught global environment and the desire of some countries to avoid being seen as taking sides in the escalating U.S.-China rivalry.
China’s Foreign Ministry has been quick to frame the event as a celebration of “world anti-fascist victory,” but the diplomatic undertones are impossible to ignore. As NPR reported, the parade is not just about military might; it’s a showcase of China’s ability to shape the international agenda and rally support from its immediate neighborhood. All five Central Asian presidents will be in attendance, along with six heads of state or government from Southeast Asia—a testament to Beijing’s growing influence in its region.
Hu Xijin, former editor of China’s nationalist newspaper Global Times, wrote on Weibo: “China’s diplomacy is truly impressive. It has maximized the scope of China’s friendly and cooperative relationships, to the point that we have no enemies in the traditional sense anywhere in the world. Some countries may compete with China in certain areas, but their relationships with China still contain significant complexity and room for maneuver. Business continues between us, and they are not likely to recklessly turn China—with its powerful nuclear arsenal, advanced naval and air forces, and missile capabilities—into their enemy.”
For the United States, the parade presents both a challenge and an opportunity. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has proposed a phone call with Chinese military leadership following the event, aiming to break a long freeze in military-to-military exchanges between Washington and Beijing under President Trump’s second administration, according to Nikkei Asia. The outreach follows a July meeting between Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Malaysia, described by the State Department as “constructive and pragmatic.”
Yet diplomatic friction lingers. Beijing remains non-committal about the proposed call, citing Hegseth’s remarks at the Shangri-La Dialogue in May, where he stated, “The threat China poses is real and it could be imminent.” While the Trump administration emphasizes Hegseth’s assurance that “We will not instigate nor seek to subjugate or humiliate,” China remains wary. There’s also debate over which Chinese official should take the call—Beijing prefers Admiral Dong Jun, while the Pentagon wants to speak with General Zhang Youxia, a top decision-maker.
Adding another layer of complexity, the Pentagon is considering whether to send a delegation to the Xiangshan Forum in Beijing later in September. Deputy Assistant Defense Secretary Alvaro Smith may attend, but so far, only U.S. Embassy defense attachés have confirmed participation.
As the world watches Beijing’s grand spectacle, the parade is more than a commemoration of the past. It’s a signal of China’s ambitions, its alliances, and its determination to shape the future of the global order. Whether the event leads to a new era of diplomatic engagement or deepens existing divides remains to be seen, but for now, all eyes are on Tiananmen Square and the leaders gathering under its watchful gaze.
