Thousands of Bangladeshis braved the August monsoon rains in Dhaka this week, crowding the city’s central squares with flags, music, and a sense of hard-won hope. The celebrations marked the one-year anniversary of the ousting of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina—a seismic event that ended her 15-year rule and set the nation of 170 million on a turbulent road toward what many are calling a “New Bangladesh.” But beneath the jubilant scenes, a country battered by political turmoil, violence, and competing visions for its future is struggling to find its footing.
The ouster of Hasina in August 2024 was the result of a student-led revolt that swept through the capital and major cities. The movement, which began as a protest against government crackdowns and alleged abuses, quickly gathered momentum, culminating in Hasina’s exile to neighboring India. Since then, Muhammad Yunus, a Nobel laureate and longtime advocate for social reform, has led an interim government tasked with steering Bangladesh through an uncertain transition.
On August 5, 2025, Yunus stood alongside leaders from various political parties and activists in Dhaka, unveiling ambitious plans for reform. “We must build a Bangladesh where justice, opportunity, and peace are not just promises but realities for every citizen,” Yunus declared, according to BBC reporting. Across the country, celebrations erupted—concerts, rallies, and special prayer sessions echoed the promise of a second liberation.
Yet the cracks in this new era quickly become apparent. Rights groups report a surge in lynchings, revenge attacks, and religious extremism over the past year. Minority communities, especially Sufi Muslims, have seen their shrines vandalized, and women have faced harassment for their dress or participation in public life. The resurgence of hardline Islamist groups, previously sidelined during Hasina’s tenure, has rattled reformers and secular activists alike.
One flashpoint came in April 2025, when the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission—a body created by the interim government—submitted a report calling for sweeping gender equality reforms. The proposals included women’s rights to inheritance, divorce, the criminalization of marital rape, and protections for sex workers. But in May, thousands of Islamist hardliners, led by Hefazat-e-Islam (which has a seat in the interim cabinet), poured into the streets to denounce the recommendations as “anti-Islamic.” They demanded the commission’s disbanding and punishment for its members. No meaningful public debate followed, and the commission’s work stalled.
Shireen Huq, who chaired the commission, expressed her frustration to the BBC: “I was disappointed that the interim government did not support us enough when we were subjected to lots of abuses by Hefazat-e-Islam.” Yunus’s office did not respond to requests for comment on the matter.
The backlash against women’s rights is just one example of how the revolution’s promise of pluralism and democracy is being tested. “I think we had a regime change, not a revolution. Fundamentally, misogyny remains intact, male dominance remains unchallenged,” Huq lamented. Other activists point to a broader pattern: girls’ football matches have been disrupted, female celebrities have faced threats for appearing at commercial events, and public harassment has increased.
Meanwhile, Hasina herself remains in exile, denying all charges related to the deadly crackdown during her final months in power. The week also marked the start of her trial at the International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh (ICT). The Awami League, the party she led, has fiercely rejected what it calls “shameless political charges” and “kangaroo court” proceedings orchestrated by Yunus’s “unelected regime.” In a statement issued on August 5, Hasina called on citizens to “struggle for justice, economic opportunity, education, and peace.”
The political climate remains fraught. The Awami League claims that hundreds of its supporters have been lynched since the regime change—a charge the interim government denies. Several journalists and party supporters have been jailed on murder charges, with bail repeatedly denied. Critics argue these detentions are politically motivated, targeting individuals for their past allegiance rather than proven crimes.
David Bergman, a journalist and longtime Bangladesh watcher, told the BBC: “You have a huge constituency of people in Bangladesh who wanted to see not just accountability but vengeance and retribution.” He cautioned, however, that replicating the injustices of the previous regime would only perpetuate the cycle of violence.
For its part, the interim government points to areas of progress. Despite dire warnings, the economy has stabilized. Food prices have remained largely stable, the banking sector has survived, and foreign exchange reserves stand at a robust $30 billion, buoyed by remittances and international loans. Exports have held steady, even as factories face closures and public sector protests disrupt daily life. “A democratic environment has been established, and now everyone can express their views freely,” said Nahid Islam, a student leader and former government adviser.
Not everyone agrees. The Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) reported an “alarming rise in mob violence” and persistent extra-judicial killings and deaths in custody over the past year. “We have overthrown an authoritarian regime, but unless we put an end to the authoritarian practices, we cannot really create a new Bangladesh,” said Iftekhar Zaman, TIB’s executive director.
The Awami League and its supporters see a darker picture. In a commentary published August 9, a former minister and party spokesperson accused the interim government of presiding over a “collapse of governance” marked by unchecked violence, extortion, and attacks on minorities. The International Monetary Fund has downgraded Bangladesh’s economy twice since the interim administration took over, factories are shuttering, and public sector strikes have paralyzed commerce and civic life. “More than two dozen of the Awami League’s supporters have died in custody over the past year, and hundreds more have faced arbitrary detention,” the spokesperson wrote, echoing widespread concerns about the rule of law.
Internationally, Yunus’s reputation has taken a hit. On a recent trip to Europe, he failed to secure meetings with British Prime Minister Keir Starmer or French President Emmanuel Macron, and was met by protests from the Bangladeshi diaspora in the UK. The interim government’s decision to ban the Awami League from contesting the next elections—against United Nations recommendations—has fueled accusations of democratic backsliding.
As Bangladesh heads toward general elections expected early next year, the next six months are critical. The nation stands at a crossroads, wrestling with the legacies of violence, the promise of reform, and the demands of a pluralistic democracy. Whether the sacrifices of the past year will lead to lasting change—or simply more of the same—remains an open question, one that Bangladeshis will answer in the months ahead.
