It has been more than two decades since the European Union last welcomed a new member from the Western Balkans. Croatia, having joined in 2013, now stands as a model for its six neighbors—Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia—each waiting in line for a seat at the European table. Yet, as of October 2025, the path to full EU membership for these countries remains fraught with obstacles, legal entanglements, and shifting geopolitical winds.
At the heart of the current debate is the issue of telecom integration. Roaming charges—those pesky fees travelers rack up when using their phones abroad—have become a flashpoint, revealing both the promise and the fragility of the EU’s relationship with the Western Balkans. According to reporting by Withub, the European Commission is actively working to create a legal framework that would eliminate roaming charges between the EU and the Western Balkans. This push comes as the EU has already extended its 'Roam Like at Home' policy to Ukraine and Moldova, thanks to their Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area agreements. But, as Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos candidly admits, the Western Balkans are still missing the necessary legal scaffolding.
“The EU-Western Balkans Stabilisation and Association Agreements lack such a legal framework,” Kos explained, highlighting the need for further work to bring these countries into the EU’s digital single market. While a 2022 declaration set the ambitious goal of reducing roaming surcharges by 2027, it remains more political than binding. As Kos put it, “the Commission services are working on a solution with the aim to complement the current Stabilisation and Association Agreements” to pave the way for integration. The 2023 Growth Plan for the Western Balkans, she assured, is designed precisely to help integrate these partners into the broader EU single market, including its digital dimension.
This legal and technical wrangling over phone charges is just one piece of a much larger puzzle. The EU’s enlargement process—once a beacon of hope for the region—has slowed to a crawl. Since Croatia’s accession, the Western Balkan six have watched as their candidacies and negotiations have inched forward, often stalling amid political upheavals and shifting priorities in Brussels. North Macedonia, for instance, has been a candidate since 2005, while Kosovo remains a potential candidate, still unrecognized by five EU member states: Spain, Greece, Cyprus, Romania, and Slovakia.
The numbers tell a story of both hope and frustration. According to a Eurobarometer survey from May 2025, more than 80% of Montenegrins and Albanians believe EU accession would be a positive development. In contrast, only 34% of Serbians share that sentiment, reflecting deep divisions and a sense of stagnation. The economies of the Western Balkans, as the European Commission notes, are still at just 35% of the EU average—underscoring the scale of the challenge ahead.
Despite these hurdles, some countries are making headway. Albania has opened 24 out of 33 negotiation chapters in just six months, with hopes of completing the remainder by year’s end. Daniel Prroni, a researcher at the Institute for Democracy and Mediation, described Albania as a “pioneer,” though he cautioned that internal reforms have not kept pace with the negotiations. “The speed of reforms has not kept up with the pace of negotiations,” Prroni observed. “Unless the EU adopts a more rigorous approach, we risk ending up with another situation like Serbia, an endless process driven more by appearances than transformation.”
Montenegro, too, is often cited as a frontrunner. Stevo Muk, President of the Board of the Institute Alternativa, believes the country “has a good chance of joining the EU in the coming years,” pointing to the low burden Montenegro would place on the EU budget and the clear signals from Brussels. Yet, as Muk notes, the merit-based advancement principle means that each country’s progress will be assessed individually, rather than as part of a regional bloc.
For others, the road remains rocky. Serbia’s accession process has slowed, hampered by the country’s close ties to Russia and its unresolved dispute with Kosovo. Aleksandar Djokic, a political analyst, is blunt: “With the current national-populist regime in power in Serbia, I believe that the chances of progress even in negotiations with the EU are very slim.” The EU’s insistence on democracy, transparent governance, and the rule of law stands in stark contrast to the realities on the ground, he argues.
North Macedonia’s prospects are also dimmed by a longstanding dispute with Bulgaria, which demands constitutional changes and other concessions that are deeply unpopular at home. Branimir Jovanovic, an economist at The Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, summed up the mood: “The chances for North Macedonia are zero in the next 10 years or so. The only way forward is for the EU to change its approach and give up these bilateral demands, but I do not think this will happen soon.”
Bosnia and Herzegovina, meanwhile, faces its own set of challenges. Adnan Cerimagic, an analyst at the European Stability Initiative, is skeptical about the prospects for his country and its neighbors. “Despite Brussels' grand words, EU enlargement is stuck. Without a clear, concrete, and achievable goal—such as full membership or full integration into the single market—no Western Balkan country will be ready or incorporated in this decade.”
Kosovo’s path is even more complicated, entangled in issues of recognition and the slow progress of the dialogue process with Serbia. Arbëresha Loxha, director of the Group for Legal and Political Studies, noted that Kosovo’s accession is tightly linked to achieving a definitive agreement with Serbia, and that “an accession as a bloc would only be realistic if the geopolitical situation necessitated it, similar to the case of the start of the war in Ukraine.”
European leaders are acutely aware of the stakes. President of the European Council António Costa recently described enlargement as “a geopolitical investment for peace and stability.” Danish Minister for European Affairs Marie Bjerre echoed this sentiment, warning that “if we do not progress, we risk losing them,” especially as Russian influence grows and the US presence recedes in the region. “It will be more expensive for Europe if we do not make progress with enlargement,” she asserted.
Commissioner Kos has repeatedly emphasized that “Europe cannot be united without the Western Balkans.” She urges the region’s leaders to seize the moment and redouble their reform efforts: “In a world that is fragmenting, enlargement remains our unification project.”
For now, the Western Balkans’ journey into the EU remains a marathon, not a sprint. While some countries edge closer to the finish line, others find themselves mired in old disputes and new uncertainties. The promise of integration—be it through phone calls without borders or full EU membership—remains tantalizingly within reach, but the final steps will require both political will and practical solutions from Brussels and the region alike.
