Three years after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned federal protections for abortion, the landscape of reproductive and LGBTQ rights in America is shifting again. In Virginia, abortion funds are feeling the strain as more people—both from within the state and from neighboring southern states—seek financial and logistical help to access abortion care. Meanwhile, national attention has turned to the Supreme Court once more, as former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton warns that same-sex marriage rights could soon face a similar fate.
Since federal abortion protections were struck down in the summer of 2022, Virginia has become a critical access point for those seeking the procedure in the South. According to the Virginia Mercury, organizations like the Blue Ridge Abortion Fund (BRAF), Richmond Reproductive Freedom Project (RRFP), and Hampton Roads Reproductive Justice League (HRRJL) have seen dramatic increases in requests for assistance. Over the past year alone, BRAF supported more than 2,300 callers—a staggering 54% increase in funding provided compared to previous years. The pattern is clear: as surrounding states tighten restrictions, more people are turning to Virginia for help.
"We’re seeing a ripple effect," said April Greene, executive director of BRAF, in a recent call with the Virginia Mercury. Before 2023, only about 15% of BRAF’s clients were from out of state. By 2025, that number had climbed to 25%. The callers are coming from places like North Carolina, Georgia, and Florida—states where abortion is banned after six weeks (Georgia and Florida) or twelve weeks (North Carolina). Virginia, by contrast, allows most abortions up to around 26 weeks.
But it’s not just out-of-state patients feeling the pinch. As the cost of living in Virginia rises, more locals are struggling to afford not only the procedure itself but also related expenses like food, hotels, rideshares, and gas. "People in Virginia need more support than before because the cost of living ... has increased without their wages increasing," an RRFP spokesperson explained. "Even a meal after an abortion is much more expensive now than it was five years ago, and that has nothing to do with overturning Roe."
The surge in demand has stretched the resources of these organizations thin. The HRRJL, for example, receives between 50 and 70 calls each week but typically has the funds to make only three to five pledges. The RRFP’s funding line, previously open from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m., now fills up so quickly that it often has to close earlier in the day. Meanwhile, the New River Abortion Access Fund has had to suspend its hotline temporarily, a sign of just how overwhelmed some groups have become.
Despite these challenges, the support offered by abortion funds goes far beyond simply covering costs. Greene described the work as "walking alongside people so much longer than people would think. It’s not just ‘here’s 500 dollars for your abortion.’ It’s so much more than that." Intake staff often provide moral support, answer questions, help book hotels or flights, and even talk patients through their anxieties—sometimes it’s their first time on a plane—ensuring they’re not alone in what can be a daunting process.
To help bridge the gap for those who have secured funding for the procedure but still need help with transportation, the State Line Abortion Access Partners (SLAAP) operates its "Last Mile Fund" near the Virginia-Tennessee border. This hyper-local program coordinates with other funds to reimburse volunteer drivers for gas, making it possible for patients to reach clinics in Bristol and beyond.
Of course, keeping up with the rising demand is a constant struggle. Donations to abortion funds surged in the immediate aftermath of Roe’s overturn, but have since declined. "We were incredibly lucky over the past few years to get some infrastructure," Greene said, referring to support from the National Network of Abortion Funds and other organizations. But the philanthropic landscape remains uncertain. BRAF, for example, missed out on some non-federal grant funding this year, forcing a small budget reduction. And while abortion funds themselves aren’t directly affected by federal funding freezes, they’re keeping a close eye on developments like the spring 2025 freeze that has left three Virginia Planned Parenthood clinics waiting for family planning and cancer screening funds.
As reproductive rights advocates rally outside the Supreme Court—like those photographed on March 26, 2024, protesting as justices heard arguments over access to mifepristone—the national conversation has broadened to include LGBTQ rights. On August 15, 2025, Hillary Clinton sounded the alarm during an interview on the "Raging Moderates" podcast, warning that the Supreme Court may be poised to overturn its 2015 ruling in Obergefell v. Hodges, which legalized same-sex marriage nationwide.
"It took 50 years to overturn Roe v. Wade," Clinton said, drawing a parallel between the two landmark decisions. "The Supreme Court will hear a case about gay marriage; my prediction is they will do to gay marriage what they did to abortion—they will send it back to the states." Clinton urged unmarried same-sex couples to consider marrying soon, explaining, "I don’t think they’ll undo existing marriages, but I fear they will undo the national right."
The warning comes as Kim Davis, the former Kentucky county clerk who made headlines in 2015 for refusing to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples, has formally asked the Supreme Court to revisit Obergefell. The justices have not yet announced whether they will take up the case. If the decision is overturned, the Respect for Marriage Act—signed by President Biden in 2022—would still require states and the federal government to recognize same-sex marriages performed where legal, providing some protection for existing couples. However, so-called "zombie laws" banning marriage equality remain on the books in more than half the states, unenforceable only because of the Supreme Court’s current stance.
Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito have both voiced opposition to Obergefell. In 2015, they dissented from the ruling. Alito reiterated his concerns last winter, writing that Americans with traditional religious beliefs about homosexuality risk being "labeled as bigots and treated as such by the government."
Despite these legal and political uncertainties, public support for marriage equality remains historically high. A May 2025 Gallup poll found that support among Republicans had slipped to 41%, the lowest in a decade, but a separate June survey still found 56% of Republican respondents in favor of same-sex marriage rights. The issue, much like abortion, remains deeply divisive and politically charged.
As the Supreme Court weighs its next moves, both reproductive and LGBTQ rights supporters are bracing for further upheaval. Whether the nation’s highest court will indeed send another major civil right back to the states remains to be seen, but for many Americans, the ripple effects are already being felt—in the flood of calls to Virginia’s abortion funds, the uncertainty facing Planned Parenthood clinics, and the anxious conversations in households across the country.
For now, advocates and affected communities are preparing for whatever comes next, drawing on networks of support, solidarity, and the hard lessons of recent years.