In a move that is reverberating across Latin America, the United States has designated two of Ecuador’s most notorious gangs, Los Lobos and Los Choneros, as foreign terrorist organizations. The announcement was made on September 4, 2025, by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio during a high-profile visit to Quito, Ecuador’s capital. The decision marks a significant escalation in the Trump administration’s ongoing campaign to tackle organized crime in the region, and it comes amid heightened tensions following a recent U.S. military strike against a Venezuelan gang.
Standing alongside Ecuador’s Foreign Minister Gabriela Sommerfeld at the Carondelet Presidential Palace, Rubio did not mince words. “Frankly, it’s a war. It’s a war on killers. It’s a war on terror,” he declared, according to Al Jazeera. Framing the effort as part of a broader “war” against Latin American cartels, Rubio emphasized that the threat posed by these groups extends far beyond the drug trade. “These are not narco traffickers. These are narco terrorists who terrorize the countries they operate in,” he told reporters.
The new designation brings with it a suite of powerful tools for U.S. authorities. As Rubio explained, the move allows Washington to target the assets, properties, and bank accounts of the gangs’ members and associates within the U.S. banking system. It also enhances intelligence-sharing capabilities with foreign governments, a step that both American and Ecuadorian officials hope will help stem the tide of violence and drug trafficking that has plagued Ecuador in recent years. “The president has said he wants to wage war on these groups because they’ve been waging war on us for 30 years and no one has responded,” Rubio said during his press conference in Quito, as reported by the Associated Press.
The timing of Rubio’s announcement was no coincidence. Just two days earlier, the U.S. military launched a controversial strike in the southern Caribbean against a boat allegedly operated by Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua gang—a group previously designated as a terrorist organization. The strike resulted in the deaths of 11 people and quickly became the focal point of Rubio’s Latin America trip. U.S. officials claimed the vessel’s cargo was intended for the U.S., and the strike was justified as a response to an “immediate threat.” Yet, the lack of transparency about how the military identified those aboard as gang members has sparked criticism and concern throughout the region.
Many Latin American leaders, mindful of the region’s fraught history with U.S. military interventions, expressed unease. While Mexican officials stopped short of outright condemnation, they stressed the importance of respecting national sovereignty and warned that expanded U.S. military involvement could ultimately backfire. Experts have also questioned the legality of such strikes under international law, and during his stop in Ecuador, Rubio sidestepped questions about whether the administration would seek congressional approval for future military actions.
Despite these concerns, cooperation between the U.S. and Ecuador appears to be at an all-time high. During his visit, Rubio and Foreign Minister Sommerfeld unveiled a series of new security commitments, including $13 million in general security funding for Ecuador and an additional $6 million earmarked for drones for the Ecuadorian Navy. The two countries also announced plans to boost cooperation on migration and take steps toward a free trade agreement. Rubio even floated the idea of re-establishing a U.S. military base in Ecuador—a move President Daniel Noboa has said he would support, though it would require approval via a national referendum.
President Noboa was effusive in his gratitude for the U.S. partnership. “Thank you for the U.S. efforts to actually eliminate any terrorist threat,” he said, echoing a sentiment that, at least for now, unites the two governments. On social media, Rubio underscored that the U.S. and Ecuador are “aligned as key partners on ending illegal immigration and combating transnational crime and terrorism.”
The roots of Ecuador’s current crisis run deep. Violence has surged in the country since the COVID-19 pandemic, with Los Choneros and Los Lobos blamed for much of the bloodshed. These gangs are not just involved in drug trafficking—they are also implicated in contract killings, extortion, and brutal fights over control of drug routes and territory, including within Ecuador’s overcrowded prisons. Since 2021, hundreds of inmates have been killed in gang-related violence behind bars, a grim testament to the power these organizations wield.
According to the latest U.N. World Drug Report, cocaine seizures in South America—including Ecuador, Colombia, and Peru—rose in 2022 compared to the previous year. Ecuador’s strategic location, use of the U.S. dollar, and relatively weak institutions have made it an attractive hub for cartels from Mexico, Colombia, and even the Balkans. Traffickers have exploited the country’s status as the world’s largest banana exporter, using shipping containers filled with fruit to smuggle drugs overseas.
Political changes in Colombia have also contributed to Ecuador’s growing role in the global cocaine trade. The demobilization of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in 2016 led to the breakup of criminal groups, pushing coca bush cultivation closer to the Ecuadorian border. Ecuador’s prominence in the drug trade has only grown as a result, drawing in transnational cartels eager to capitalize on the chaos.
The U.S. has not been shy about taking direct action. In July 2025, Ecuador extradited José Adolfo Macías Villamar, the leader of Los Choneros—better known as “Fito”—to the United States after his dramatic recapture following a prison escape. Macías had been indicted in New York on charges of importing thousands of pounds of cocaine into the U.S., and his extradition was hailed as a major victory for both countries.
Yet, not everyone is convinced that the new terrorist designations or increased military cooperation will bring lasting stability to Ecuador or the region. Critics warn that labeling gangs as terrorist organizations risks blurring the lines between law enforcement and military action, potentially leading to more extrajudicial killings and undermining the rule of law. Others worry that the U.S. focus on military solutions ignores the deeper social and economic factors driving the rise of organized crime.
Rubio, for his part, remains undeterred. “I don’t care what the U.N. says. I don’t care,” he bluntly told reporters when asked about differing assessments of Venezuela’s role in the drug trade. To him and the Trump administration, the fight against Latin American gangs is nothing less than a war—a war they say they are determined to win, no matter the cost.
As the dust settles from Rubio’s whirlwind visit, one thing is clear: the United States and Ecuador are now bound together in a high-stakes campaign against some of the hemisphere’s most dangerous criminal organizations. Whether this new partnership will succeed in breaking the grip of gangs like Los Lobos and Los Choneros remains to be seen, but for now, the battle lines have been drawn.
