Lobbying in Washington has always been a high-stakes game, but 2025 is shaping up to be a banner year for firms with connections to the Trump administration. Despite campaign promises to "drain the swamp," the lobbying industry is not just surviving in Trump’s second term—it’s thriving. According to The Washington Post and IBTimes, federal lobbying expenditures have soared more than 20 percent year-on-year, marking the sharpest increase since the late 1990s. The surge is largely attributed to the rise of firms with direct ties to former President Donald Trump and his Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, as corporate America scrambles to secure influence in a rapidly changing Washington.
At the heart of this transformation is Ballard Partners, a Florida-based firm founded by Republican fundraiser Brian Ballard. Once a modest regional operation, Ballard Partners has now become the capital’s highest-earning lobbying shop, quadrupling its revenue in 2025 alone. Its client roster reads like a who’s who of corporate heavyweights—Harvard University, TikTok, and major tech and pharmaceutical companies are all paying top dollar for the firm’s access to Trump’s inner circle. TikTok, for instance, shelled out nearly $500,000 this year to Ballard Partners for lobbying on technology and content regulation, while Harvard spent over $250,000 seeking resolution of frozen research funding disputes.
Ballard’s meteoric rise isn’t an isolated story. Miller Strategies, founded by Jeff Miller—Trump’s former inaugural finance director—has also seen its earnings quadruple. Mercury Public Affairs, which employs former Trump chief of staff Susie Wiles and Attorney General Pam Bondi, more than doubled its revenue in 2025, according to IBTimes. In fact, for the first time, a firm that once employed both Wiles and Bondi became the highest-paid lobbying shop in Washington, underscoring the intense demand for inroads into Trump’s orbit, as reported by The Washington Post.
What’s driving this boom? Industry analysts point to proximity to the Oval Office as the new currency in town. “Many of the folks in both Trump administrations are not traditional government people,” one Washington legal expert explained to IBTimes. “That creates a huge gap for smaller, well-connected firms to fill, people who speak the same language as the White House.” In other words, it’s less about policy expertise and more about having the right connections—knowing who to call, what to say, and how to get things done with the current administration.
This access has already translated into tangible results for some of the world’s biggest corporations. Tech giants Nvidia and Advanced Micro Devices reportedly secured permission to continue exporting high-powered chips to China after agreeing to share a portion of their sales revenue, according to IBTimes. Meanwhile, pharmaceutical companies AstraZeneca and Pfizer received tariff relief in exchange for drug-price cuts. Pfizer, in particular, obtained a three-year tariff reprieve after promising to sell selected drugs to the U.S. government at discounted rates.
The power shift in Washington has also shaken up the traditional pecking order among lobbying firms. While old-guard firms like Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck and Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld remain active—Brownstein reported revenue exceeding $40 million this year—they’re facing stiff competition from newer, MAGA-aligned outfits. “Our numbers speak for themselves,” said Will Moschella of Brownstein. “We’ve built a firm designed for lasting success and have alumni from both Trump administrations.” Still, the rapid ascent of Ballard Partners and the success of Mercury Public Affairs signal a fundamental change in how influence is bought and sold in the capital.
Former White House staffers are also cashing in on their insider knowledge. May Mailman, a Harvard-trained lawyer and former deputy assistant to the president, now advises corporations on how to “align with administration priorities.” In her words, “It’s no longer about asking what Washington can do for you. It’s about what you can do for America, and showing how your project benefits the country.” Another recent entrant is Trent Morse, who launched a lobbying practice after leaving the White House. “We understand how this administration thinks,” Morse said. “We’ve been in the room before. That gives us a real edge.”
Both Mailman and Morse are currently under mandatory cooling-off periods, which restrict direct contact with the administration. Nonetheless, their expertise is already proving invaluable to firms eager for access. Their stories are emblematic of a broader trend: a wave of Trump alumni setting up shop on K Street, leveraging their experience to attract a steady stream of corporate clients.
For all the rhetoric about draining the swamp, the numbers paint a different picture. Lobbying expenditures are at record highs, and the biggest winners are those closest to Trump’s orbit. The influx of corporate money toward MAGA-linked firms marks a striking transformation of Washington’s influence economy. Even as the White House insists that “the only special interest influencing President Trump’s decisions is the American people,” the reality is that access to Trump’s inner circle has never been more lucrative.
The demand for inroads into Trump’s world is so intense that it’s reshaping the entire lobbying landscape. According to The Washington Post, the scale of this surge is extraordinary, far surpassing the typical boost that accompanies a change in political power. Firms like Ballard Partners, which had no presence in Washington before 2017, now earn tens of millions of dollars annually. Meanwhile, Mercury Public Affairs’ rise to the top spot—thanks in part to the star power of Susie Wiles and Pam Bondi—underscores just how valuable Trump-world connections have become.
It’s not just about money, either. The shift has altered the very nature of lobbying, with access and alignment with administration priorities trumping traditional policy expertise. As May Mailman put it, the focus is now on demonstrating how a client’s project benefits America as defined by the current administration’s goals. That’s a significant change from the days when lobbying was primarily about technical knowledge and legislative maneuvering.
Traditional firms aren’t giving up without a fight. Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, for example, continues to tout its bipartisan credentials and deep bench of talent from both Trump administrations. But the writing is on the wall: the firms with the closest ties to Trump’s team are setting the pace, and everyone else is scrambling to keep up.
For many observers, the irony is hard to miss. The outsiders who once promised to dismantle the swamp now preside over one of its most profitable eras. As lobbying expenditures hit new highs and the influence economy tilts toward those with MAGA connections, one thing is clear—Washington’s power brokers may have changed, but the game remains as fierce as ever.
The transformation of K Street in the Trump 2.0 era is a testament to the enduring power of access and relationships in American politics. Whether this marks a new normal or just another swing of the pendulum remains to be seen, but for now, the swamp is not only intact—it’s booming.