On Wednesday, October 29, 2025, Tanzanians streamed to polling stations across the country in an election that, by most accounts, was all but decided before the first ballot was cast. With more than 37 million registered voters out of a population of 60 million, this year’s general election is a defining moment for the East African nation—at least on paper. Yet, for many observers and opposition voices, the contest has already been written off as a foregone conclusion, with incumbent President Samia Suluhu Hassan of the long-ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party standing virtually unopposed.
President Hassan, 65, is making her first official run for the presidency after ascending to the role in March 2021 following the sudden death of her predecessor, John Magufuli. Her rise marked a historic milestone: she is Tanzania’s first female president and, as of 2025, one of only two female heads of state on the African continent. But despite the historic nature of her candidacy, the election has been overshadowed by controversy, allegations of democratic backsliding, and the systematic exclusion of credible opposition challengers.
According to Al Jazeera, the two most prominent opposition figures—Tundu Lissu of Chadema and Luhaga Mpina of ACT-Wazalendo—were both barred from running. Lissu, a charismatic and widely respected politician, was disqualified after his party failed to meet a submission deadline and was subsequently arrested for alleged "treasonous" remarks encouraging an election boycott unless reforms were enacted. The electoral commission then disqualified Chadema from participating in this election and all others until 2030 for not signing a mandatory Electoral Code of Conduct. Mpina, who had recently defected from CCM to join ACT-Wazalendo, was also excluded for allegedly failing to follow nomination procedures. As a result, President Hassan faces 16 other candidates, none with significant national standing or political machinery.
With the field so thoroughly cleared, the CCM’s grip on power—now extending into its 64th year—seems all but unshakeable. As Reuters notes, the contest has become a “one-horse race,” with the ruling party’s vast resources and national presence dwarfing the efforts of minor parties. The CCM’s dominance is not just a matter of tradition; it’s also a function of the party’s ability to shape the political landscape, often to the detriment of dissenting voices.
Rights groups, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have raised alarm bells about the state of democracy in Tanzania. In a report released ahead of the election, Amnesty International described an intensification of “repressive practices” under Hassan’s administration. The government, the report stated, has targeted opposition leaders, civil society activists, journalists, and other dissenters with forced disappearances, arrests, harassment, and even torture. The United Nations human rights agency (UNHCR) has also documented more than 200 cases of enforced disappearance since 2019. Notably, on May 19, 2025, regional activists Boniface Mwangi from Kenya and Agather Atuhaire from Uganda were detained in Dar-es-Salaam after traveling to witness Lissu’s trial. Mwangi was reportedly tortured and abandoned in Kenya, while Atuhaire was sexually assaulted and left at the Uganda border.
Despite these grave allegations, the Tanzanian government has consistently denied any wrongdoing. President Hassan herself has publicly dismissed calls to boycott the election and warned against protests. "The only demonstrations that will exist are those of people going to the polling stations to vote. There will be no other demonstrations. There will be no security threat," she said, as reported by Al Jazeera. The authorities also declared election day a public holiday, and early voting began in Zanzibar a day earlier to facilitate participation.
The election is being held in all 29 mainland regions, as well as in the semi-autonomous island of Zanzibar, where voters are also choosing their own president and parliament. In Zanzibar, the contest is more competitive, with incumbent Hussein Mwinyi of the CCM facing Othman Masoud of ACT-Wazalendo, his coalition government vice president. Nonetheless, the atmosphere on the mainland remains tightly controlled, with only select traditional media permitted to cover the proceedings and social media access restricted during sensitive periods.
President Hassan’s record is a study in contrasts. Upon taking office, she quickly moved to reverse some of Magufuli’s most controversial policies, such as his denial of COVID-19 and refusal to participate in international vaccine programs. Under Hassan, Tanzania joined the COVAX facility, enabling access to vaccines and signaling a shift toward greater international cooperation. She also lifted a six-year ban on political rallies and prioritized the completion of major infrastructure projects, including railway expansion and rural electrification. Supporters credit her with improving access to education, fostering economic growth, and maintaining stability.
Yet, hopes that her presidency would usher in a more open and democratic era have largely faded. According to Amnesty International, Hassan’s leadership has come to closely resemble that of her predecessor, marked by increasing authoritarianism and intolerance of dissent. Opposition parties have been sidelined, and some, like Chadema, have called for a boycott of what they describe as a “sham” election. John Kitoka, a Chadema member currently in hiding, told Al Jazeera that the elections are “completely a sham.”
The government’s heavy-handed approach is not limited to the political arena. In July 2025, new restrictions were introduced banning foreigners from owning businesses in 15 sectors, including mobile money transfers, tour guiding, small-scale mining, and crop buying. Officials argued that these measures were necessary to protect Tanzanian jobs and businesses from foreign competition, particularly from the growing influx of Chinese and Kenyan entrepreneurs. The move has sparked regional tensions, especially within the East African Community, where free movement and investment have been core principles.
Despite steady economic growth and inflation kept below the Central Bank’s 5 percent target, nearly half of Tanzania’s population lives below the international poverty line, according to the World Bank. The country’s economy is buoyed by gold, tanzanite, and agricultural exports, as well as a robust safari tourism sector anchored by natural wonders like Mount Kilimanjaro, the Serengeti, and the Ngorongoro Crater. But economic gains have not been evenly distributed, and the government’s restrictive business policies have drawn criticism from both domestic and international observers.
Conservation and human-wildlife conflict present additional challenges. As rural populations expand and climate change disrupts traditional migration patterns, clashes between humans and wildlife—especially elephants—have become more frequent. Between 2012 and 2019, more than 1,000 such mortality cases were reported, according to Queen’s University in Canada. The government provides compensation to affected families, but delays are common, fueling frustration. Tensions with indigenous groups, notably the Maasai, have also escalated over land rights and conservation policies. In 2024, a crackdown on Maasai protesters led the World Bank to suspend a $150 million conservation grant and prompted the European Union to cancel Tanzania’s eligibility for a separate $20 million grant.
As the sun set on election day, the outcome was hardly in doubt. For many Tanzanians, the real question is not who will win, but whether the promise of democracy and inclusive growth can be rekindled in a political landscape where competition is so thoroughly stifled. The world will be watching to see if Tanzania’s leaders can bridge the widening gap between stability and freedom, and whether the nation’s next chapter will bring meaningful change—or more of the same.
