On August 16, 2025, South Africa's political landscape was jolted by the announcement that parliament had established an ad hoc committee to investigate corruption and political interference within the South African Police Service (SAPS). For many, this move marked a long-overdue reckoning with problems that have simmered beneath the surface for years, if not decades. The Democratic Alliance (DA), the country’s main opposition party, was quick to embrace the development, describing it as a rare and crucial opportunity to confront the deep-seated rot in the nation’s policing institutions.
Ian Cameron, the DA’s spokesperson on policing, did not mince words in expressing his party’s determination. According to CrispNG, Cameron declared, “South Africa cannot afford hesitation when the credibility of its policing and justice systems is on the line. The DA will make certain this committee leaves no stone unturned.” The committee, set to finalize and adopt its terms of reference by Monday, August 18, 2025, is expected to operate with a robust mandate that the DA fought hard to secure. This includes powers to compel sworn testimony, collect critical documents, and hear evidence from all relevant stakeholders—even those directly accused of political meddling, corruption, or links to organized crime.
The scope of the inquiry is sweeping. It will delve into allegations of political interference in policing structures, the controversial disbandment of the Political Killings Task Team (PKTT), the blocking of vital crime intelligence appointments, and accusations against senior politicians, law enforcement officials, prosecutors, and judges. One particularly chilling element is the disappearance of 121 dockets from the PKTT—a loss that raises urgent questions about the integrity and effectiveness of crime intelligence operations within SAPS.
While this parliamentary move has drawn attention, the roots of South Africa’s crisis run far deeper. For over 15 years, grassroots organizations like Abahlali baseMjondolo have sounded the alarm about gangsterism infiltrating municipal politics, particularly in Durban. Their warnings, often dismissed by the middle class as exaggeration, have now proven prophetic. As reported by Abahlali baseMjondolo, the entanglement of crime and politics is not a new phenomenon, but one that has metastasized, especially under the shadow of Jacob Zuma’s presidency and the notorious Gupta brothers.
The era of Zuma and the Guptas brought the term “state capture” into the national lexicon. Yet, as Abahlali baseMjondolo points out, the media’s focus on personalities obscured the systemic nature of the problem. State capture was not merely a top-down affair. It thrived from the bottom up, as individuals at every level exploited politics for personal gain, siphoning off public funds meant for the most vulnerable—those in need of housing, healthcare, and basic services. What some framed as a continuation of the liberation struggle was, in reality, a predatory system that hollowed out the state and diverted its resources into private hands.
Under Zuma’s administration, the dynamics of governance shifted dramatically. Instead of striving to eliminate informal settlements, local politicians—often under the banner of the ruling African National Congress (ANC)—sought to control them. This control was lucrative: land sales, rental schemes, and development tenders became sources of personal enrichment. In a disturbing twist, some ANC councillors even encouraged land invasions to expand their own power and wealth. When activists or ordinary citizens stood in the way, repression turned deadly. Hired assassins targeted those who threatened the status quo, and the violence that once seemed confined to activists has since begun to menace whistleblowers, prosecutors, and even business owners who resist corruption.
Despite the fall of Zuma, the criminal networks he enabled have not gone away. If anything, they have become more deeply embedded, spreading their tentacles through both government and business. Extortion and mafia-style operations now plague sectors such as construction and trucking, blurring the lines between politics and crime to a degree that would have been unthinkable a generation ago. The consequences are visible everywhere: public funds funneled into patronage networks have left infrastructure crumbling and essential services failing—not just in small towns, but in major cities across the country.
As Abahlali baseMjondolo observed, the violence and corruption that activists have endured for years now threaten the very pillars of South Africa’s democracy. The stakes could hardly be higher. “Fixing this won’t be easy,” the organization noted. It’s not just a matter of rooting out a few bad apples; the entire system is at risk. Many join the ANC and other political parties for personal gain, not out of principle. And as the ANC’s dominance wanes, new parties and coalition governments have not necessarily brought cleaner politics. The prospect of parties like the MK Party or the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) controlling municipal budgets has alarmed many, given their own checkered records on corruption and governance.
South Africa’s crisis is not unique. Countries such as Jamaica, Mexico, and India have struggled with the infiltration of crime into politics, often with devastating consequences for public trust and effective governance. Yet, there is hope. Brazil, Colombia, and Ecuador have all managed to reduce violence and curb the power of criminal networks through determined reforms. Kerala in India and Uruguay have likewise demonstrated that strong public and political will can make a difference. Italy’s decades-long fight against the mafia stands as a testament to what is possible when a society commits itself to rooting out organized crime at every level.
What, then, is to be done? The reforms advocated by Abahlali baseMjondolo and echoed by many experts are both practical and urgent. Better financial oversight is essential to ensure that public funds are used for their intended purposes. Stronger law enforcement is needed to break the grip of criminal networks on public institutions. Reducing reliance on tenders, which have become a breeding ground for corruption, is another vital step. Yet perhaps most important is a cultural shift—one that rejects the glorification of ill-gotten wealth and rekindles a sense of public service and the common good.
The DA, for its part, has promised to push the new parliamentary committee to act decisively and transparently. “Once these terms are adopted, the committee must get to work without delay,” Cameron insisted, as reported by CrispNG. The party has vowed to insist on accountability at every level, exposing weaknesses in the police service and ensuring that those responsible for corruption and political interference are held to account.
South Africa stands at a crossroads. The establishment of the parliamentary inquiry is a step in the right direction, but the work ahead is immense. The nation’s experience—and the lessons learned from around the world—show that progress is possible, but only if there is the will to confront hard truths and demand better from those in power. As the committee begins its work, the eyes of the country will be watching, hoping that this time, real change is within reach.
