On Thursday, October 2, 2025, President Claudia Sheinbaum opened her morning press conference with a solemn reminder: “October 2 is not forgotten.” The date marks the 57th anniversary of the Tlatelolco massacre, a dark chapter in Mexican history when hundreds of protesting students were killed by the military in Mexico City in 1968. Sheinbaum, standing before a photograph of soldiers from that tragic day, expressed her government’s “solidarity” with both the students who lost their lives and “all of the political prisoners” from that era, according to Mexico News Daily.
This annual commemoration remains a touchstone for Mexico’s collective memory and its ongoing struggle with issues of justice and democracy. The president’s acknowledgment was more than ceremonial; it was a signal of her administration’s awareness of the deep scars left by the massacre and its aftermath. “This is the first thing,” Sheinbaum said, before shifting the press conference’s focus to other matters of state.
Yet, as the nation paused to remember, politics continued its relentless march. The ruling Morena party, founded by former president Andrés Manuel López Obrador and now led by Sheinbaum, found itself in the headlines for reasons less solemn. During a Senate session on October 1, top Morena senator Adán Augusto López Hernández was caught watching a UEFA Champions League soccer match between Barcelona and Paris Saint-Germain—Paris Saint-Germain ultimately clinched a 2-1 victory—while Finance Minister Édgar Amador addressed the chamber. When reporters pressed Sheinbaum about the senator’s conduct, she demurred, stating that the issue did not concern her and declining to comment on whether it affected Morena’s image. “I’m not going to get involved in that,” she said, as reported by Mexico News Daily.
This incident, while fodder for political critics and social media alike, may have been a welcome distraction for López Hernández. He is currently under scrutiny for his association with Hernán Bermúdez Requena, his former security minister in Tabasco. Bermúdez Requena, who served from 2019 to 2024, stands accused of heading La Barredora, a crime group affiliated with the notorious Jalisco New Generation Cartel. Arrested in Paraguay last month, Bermúdez Requena is now being held in a federal prison in México state. Opposition politicians have openly questioned whether López Hernández could have remained unaware of his former minister’s alleged criminal activities.
Meanwhile, the symbolic heart of Mexico’s government, the National Palace, was encircled by metal barriers ahead of the annual October 2 march commemorating the Tlatelolco massacre. The barriers have become a familiar sight in recent years, installed as a precaution against groups who, according to Sheinbaum, “cover their faces and carry out actions with dangerous devices.” The president explained that these groups have on many occasions attempted to set fire to the Palace’s main door. “If you put police in front of a situation of this kind where there is aggression, there will be a confrontation,” Sheinbaum reasoned. “And, in addition, you put the police at risk because the Mexico City police, at least, are trained not to repress but simply to contain.” Her solution? “It’s better to put up a physical barrier to avoid this situation, rather than having a confrontation with police officers.” (Mexico News Daily)
This approach reflects Sheinbaum’s broader style—pragmatic, measured, and, so far, widely popular. According to France 24, one year after her landslide election victory, Sheinbaum enjoys the backing of around 80 percent of Mexicans. Her popularity is rooted in the expansion of policies she first introduced as mayor of Mexico City, now applied nationwide. The so-called “Sheinbaum formula” appears to be working for now, but the president faces significant challenges ahead. Chief among them: tackling rising insecurity and managing Mexico’s complex trade relationship with the United States, especially under the renewed presidency of Donald Trump.
Sheinbaum’s administration has also had to navigate turbulent international waters. Recently, she denounced Israel’s interception of a flotilla transporting humanitarian aid to Gaza and called for the immediate repatriation of six Mexicans detained by Israeli forces. When asked if her government would consider breaking off diplomatic relations with Israel, Sheinbaum responded, “Until now it has not been considered.” She went on to highlight Mexico’s early involvement in seeking international accountability for the conflict in Gaza. In January 2024, Mexico—alongside Chile—referred the situation in Palestine to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, requesting an investigation into the “probable commission of crimes within its jurisdiction.” Sheinbaum also noted that her government had formally recognized the Palestinian Embassy in Mexico, a diplomatic step that had not been taken by previous administrations. “It had not been recognized as such before,” she said.
Sheinbaum’s careful balancing act—honoring the past, managing present controversies, and looking outward to international affairs—has not gone unnoticed. Her government’s solidarity with victims of the Tlatelolco massacre and political prisoners of the 1960s is echoed in her administration’s efforts to address historical injustices and maintain public order during protests. At the same time, her refusal to be drawn into political theater, as demonstrated by her response to the football-watching senator, suggests a focus on governance over spectacle.
Yet, challenges loom. The arrest of Bermúdez Requena and the allegations of cartel infiltration into state security forces underscore the persistent threat of organized crime—a problem that has dogged successive Mexican administrations. Sheinbaum’s critics argue that despite her popularity, real progress on security remains elusive. The annual fortification of the National Palace is a visual reminder of the tensions that persist between state and society, between the memory of repression and the hope for peaceful protest.
On the international stage, Sheinbaum’s diplomatic moves—particularly regarding the Middle East—signal a willingness to assert Mexico’s voice in global affairs. Her administration’s early referral of the Gaza conflict to the International Criminal Court and the recognition of the Palestinian Embassy mark a departure from the more cautious diplomatic stances of previous governments. Still, Sheinbaum has made clear that Mexico is not about to sever ties with Israel, preferring engagement and legal channels over dramatic gestures.
As she enters the second year of her presidency, Claudia Sheinbaum stands at a crossroads. Her high approval ratings, as reported by France 24, reflect a public eager for stability and reform. However, the challenges of insecurity, political scandal, and international diplomacy will test both her leadership and the enduring appeal of the “Sheinbaum formula.” For now, October 2 remains a day of remembrance, but also a reminder of the work that lies ahead for Mexico’s first female president.