As the world barrels toward another critical United Nations climate summit, the intersection of democracy, climate action, and economic realities is taking center stage. With the Conference of the Parties (COP30) set to convene in Belem, Brazil, in just under two months, the challenges facing both the climate movement and democratic engagement have rarely felt more acute—or more intertwined.
According to a September 21, 2025 report by CleanTechnica, the struggle to address climate change has become deeply enmeshed with the broader battle for democracy in the United States, particularly under the Trump administration’s increasingly authoritarian rule. The article paints a stark picture: the urgency of the climate crisis is being overshadowed by political turmoil, and the very institutions that should be leading the charge are faltering under the weight of corporate influence and regulatory rollbacks.
Former U.S. Labor Secretary Robert Reich is among those who have argued that, “we can’t deal with the climate crisis unless our democracy is saved.” Yet, as CleanTechnica observes, many activists reject the notion that one must come before the other. For them, fighting for climate action is, in fact, fighting for democracy. After all, the Paris Agreement—signed by nearly every nation on Earth—commits countries to keeping global temperature rise well below 2°C, ideally limiting it to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Achieving those targets, however, requires both robust democratic processes and the political will to stand up to powerful fossil fuel interests.
The Trump administration’s environmental policies have come under sharp scrutiny. As CleanTechnica details, campaign donations from Big Oil have “bought the US President (among others). In a quid pro quo, Trump is relishing his role and eviscerating environmental regulations.” The result, the article argues, is a government that is “diminishing our country’s ability to fight the hottest temperatures recorded in contemporary history,” alienating international allies, and undermining both climate action and democratic norms.
Experts cited by CleanTechnica suggest that the “capitalism as an economic model and social order fundamentally drives the climate catastrophe.” Authoritarian regimes, they argue, are unlikely to voluntarily phase out fossil fuels, as doing so would threaten their grip on power. Steve Hanley, a writer for the publication, puts it bluntly: “Asking those regimes to do the right thing is like asking them to commit political suicide.”
Reich himself concedes that “democracy and the environment are not two separate issues.” However, he warns that “we cannot deal with the climate crisis unless our democracy is strengthened to reflect the will of the people rather than the profits of giant corporations.” This tension between idealism and realpolitik—between urgent climate action and the slow grind of democratic reform—has left many advocates wondering how to move forward.
Meanwhile, the upcoming COP30 conference in Brazil is facing its own set of challenges, as reported by ETV Bharat on September 21, 2025. With less than two months until the summit, only about 36% of the 196 participating countries have confirmed their attendance. The culprit? Soaring accommodation costs in Belem, the Amazonian city chosen to host the talks, have left many national delegations, activists, and would-be participants unable to afford the trip.
Pooja Tilvawala, founder and executive director of the Youth Climate Collaborative, has personally invested more than $46,000 of her own savings to secure affordable housing for young people hoping to attend. “There’s always a huge number of fossil fuel company representatives there. And who’s going to be there to combat those voices and those negotiating influences?” Tilvawala told ETV Bharat. Her efforts underscore the broader concern that, without robust civil society participation, the talks risk being dominated by those with the deepest pockets and the greatest vested interests.
The Brazilian government has attempted to mitigate the crisis by making 10 to 20 rooms available “at accessible prices” for vulnerable countries and bringing in two large cruise ships to house up to 6,000 people. Climate Minister Marina Silva assured the public, “Everybody will have access to participate in COP30. Facing climate change must be done by all of us, by all the parties of the convention and especially by those who are already living the consequences of climate change.”
Still, the numbers tell a sobering story. The “accessible” rooms are priced between $200 and $600 a night, according to a COP30 presidency spokesperson, while some private accommodations are charging upwards of $1,000 per night. For many activists, NGO representatives, and delegates from poorer nations, these costs are simply prohibitive. Hailey Campbell, who leads the youth-oriented NGO Care About Climate, said her group has “never faced such difficulties with access to accommodation.” The group has even taken to social media with the hashtag #DontPriceUsOut, highlighting the growing sense of exclusion among grassroots participants.
Hikaru Hayakawa, executive director of Climate Cardinals, lamented that he’s heard from “maybe 30 or 40 people” who have decided not to attend this year—far more than in previous years. “It could potentially be lost opportunity to build these global networks,” he said. For many observers, the situation in Belem is emblematic of a broader trend: as the stakes of climate negotiations rise, access is increasingly being determined by wealth rather than commitment or expertise.
Back in the United States, CleanTechnica argues that the climate crisis “is crying out for a mass mobilization of civil society,” but questions whether such mobilization is even possible given the “intermingling with vested fossil fuel interests.” The article notes that “when everyday citizens identify the personal risks they confront from climate impacts, there is an increased likelihood that they will turn to democratic means to pursue effective climate action.” Yet, with democratic structures deteriorating in many Western countries, the path forward is anything but clear.
Christopher Armitage, a social analyst quoted by CleanTechnica, believes that individuals still have “immense power to influence the behavior of politicians.” He urges advocates to ask tough questions, press for decarbonization, and strengthen democratic institutions. Social movements, the article contends, can play a pivotal role in challenging the status quo and breaking the grip of corporate capitalism on democratic governance.
As COP30 approaches, the world finds itself at a crossroads. Will the voices of civil society and vulnerable nations be heard, or will economic barriers and political dysfunction sideline the most urgent calls for action? The answers may well determine not only the outcome of the summit, but the fate of global climate policy for years to come.
In this fraught moment, the message from both climate activists and democracy advocates is clear: the fight for a livable planet and the fight for responsive, inclusive governance are one and the same. The coming weeks in Belem—and beyond—will test just how much the world is willing to do to meet that challenge head-on.
