In a moment that would have seemed unthinkable just a year ago, Syria’s interim president Ahmed al-Sharaa sat down with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin on October 15, 2025. The historic meeting marked the first time the two leaders had met face-to-face since Sharaa’s rebel forces toppled Bashar al-Assad’s long-standing regime in December 2024—a regime that Moscow had fiercely defended for over a decade. The encounter was as much about pragmatism as it was about politics, as both leaders sought to redefine their countries’ relationship after years of brutal conflict and shifting alliances.
Putin, whose military intervention in 2015 had kept Assad in power through some of the darkest days of the Syrian civil war, opened the talks by emphasizing the enduring ties between Russia and Syria. “Over the past decades, our countries have built a special relationship,” he said, according to BBC. He insisted that the relationship was “never tied to our political circumstances” and had “always been guided by one thing: the interests of the Syrian people,” a sentiment echoed in multiple reports, including CNN.
Sharaa, for his part, struck a conciliatory tone, calling for Syria to “restore and redefine in a new way the nature of these relations so there is independence for Syria, sovereign Syria, and also its territorial unity and integrity and its security stability.” He made clear that while Damascus was eager to re-establish ties with all nations, Russia would remain a top priority. “We are trying to restore and redefine in a new way the nature of these relations so there is independence for Syria, sovereign Syria, and also its territorial unity and integrity and its security stability,” Sharaa said on state television.
The stakes were high for both sides. For Russia, the meeting was a chance to safeguard its military foothold in the region, particularly its prized naval base at Tartus and the Hmeimim airbase on Syria’s Mediterranean coast. The status of these bases had become uncertain since the rebel takeover, with Russia reportedly withdrawing several naval vessels, dismantling air defense radars, and airlifting some equipment and personnel out of the country, as detailed in The Guardian and Reuters. Despite these reductions, Sharaa signaled that Syria would “respect all agreements concluded throughout the great history” of bilateral relations, suggesting Moscow would retain access to its bases, though perhaps on new terms.
For Sharaa, the Kremlin’s help is vital for consolidating his fragile hold on power, rebuilding the devastated Syrian economy, and securing the country’s borders. He was also expected to formally request the extradition of Bashar al-Assad, who fled to Russia with his family after being ousted. Assad, now living in relative obscurity in Moscow—reportedly dividing his time between a luxury flat and a secure villa, according to Die Zeit—was granted asylum by Russia for “purely humanitarian reasons,” Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov told reporters. Lavrov added that Assad and his family “faced the risk of physical elimination” if they remained in Syria, and dismissed rumors of the former president’s ill health.
Yet, as Reuters and FDD analysts observed, it seems highly unlikely that Moscow will hand over Assad, given Russia’s track record of sheltering exiled leaders such as Ukraine’s Viktor Yanukovych. The extradition request, though symbolically important for Sharaa’s legitimacy, is likely to remain a point of contention in an otherwise pragmatic dialogue.
Economic cooperation featured prominently on the agenda. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak announced that Moscow was ready to support Syria’s reconstruction efforts, especially in energy, transport, tourism, healthcare, and humanitarian sectors. “Today, we discussed specific projects in energy, transport, tourism, healthcare, and cultural and humanitarian areas,” Novak said, promising Russian participation in Syria’s rebuilding. Russian ministers also pledged to deliver foodstuffs and medication, and to help repair Syria’s battered infrastructure.
Despite these promises, Russia’s influence in the Middle East appears to be waning. The timing of Sharaa’s visit was notable: Moscow was forced to cancel a long-planned Russia-Arab conference after Arab leaders prioritized a U.S.-led Gaza peace summit in Egypt. “Russia has not been sidelined diplomatically in the Middle East like this since it intervened in Syria in 2015,” an analyst told Reuters. This diplomatic setback underscores Moscow’s determination to maintain its foothold in Syria even as its regional clout diminishes.
The road to this new partnership has been anything but smooth. For years, Sharaa’s Islamist group—now the backbone of the Syrian government—was on the receiving end of Russian airstrikes. During the 13-year civil war, Russian forces were accused of committing numerous atrocities, including the indiscriminate bombing of civilian infrastructure such as homes, hospitals, and schools. The Syrian Civil Defense reported that more than 12,000 civilians were killed or injured by Russian airstrikes between 2015 and 2020, and over a million were displaced. “Syrians have forgotten neither Moscow’s complicity in the atrocities of the Assad regime nor the war crimes Russian forces committed of their own accord, such as bombing Syrian hospitals,” said David Adesnik, Vice President of Research at FDD.
Yet, as observers note, Sharaa’s decision to engage with Putin is a calculated move. Facing domestic turmoil and international isolation, he needs Russian support to lift longstanding UN terrorism sanctions stemming from his days as an al-Qaeda commander. “Sharaa’s strategy is to play all sides—using ties with Moscow to signal to the West that he doesn’t depend solely on them,” said Ahmad Sharawi, a research analyst at FDD. For Russia, the incentive is clear: maintaining its military presence on the Mediterranean and safeguarding its interests, even if it means working with a former adversary.
The meeting also comes against a backdrop of ongoing violence and regional instability. Earlier this year, southern Syria was rocked by deadly clashes between Druze and Bedouin groups, drawing in Israeli military strikes and culminating in a fragile ceasefire. Syria’s new authorities have canceled some investment deals with Moscow, including over the management of the Tartus port, in favor of DP World, a Dubai-based logistics giant. Still, Russia continues to supply Syria with discounted oil, grain, and other essentials, a lifeline for an economy battered by war and sanctions.
Some analysts have likened Moscow’s approach in Syria to its flexible diplomacy with the Taliban in Afghanistan: once a designated terrorist group, now a pragmatic partner after seizing power. For Sharaa, the Moscow visit is part of a broader strategy to diversify alliances and project a more moderate, state-building image. In recent months, he has held talks with leaders from the United States, Europe, the Gulf, and Turkey—his main regional backer—securing some sanctions relief while keeping his options open.
As the dust settles on this remarkable meeting, one thing is clear: both Syria and Russia are navigating a new reality, shaped by shifting power dynamics, mutual necessity, and the enduring scars of a war that has left few untouched. Whether this pragmatic partnership will usher in real stability for Syria—or simply mark another chapter in its long saga of foreign intervention—remains to be seen.
