Three years after the landmark Dobbs decision overturned Roe v. Wade, the battle over abortion rights in the United States remains as fierce and complex as ever. In Ohio, a state that has become a focal point for both reproductive rights advocates and opponents, the struggle to maintain—and expand—access to abortion has taken on new urgency. Meanwhile, in South Carolina, lawmakers are pushing a bill that would impose one of the most restrictive abortion bans in the country, setting the stage for a dramatic showdown this fall.
For many, the fight is deeply personal. Taren Holliman, who had an abortion in 2019 while attending Ohio University, recalls the logistical and financial hurdles she faced. "I was working three jobs at the time, and I was going into my senior year. I immediately knew I had to have an abortion," she told Matter News. Yet the nearest clinic offering abortion services was 90 minutes away, and Ohio’s 24-hour waiting period meant she had to schedule two appointments, stretching the process to over a month. The $1,000 cost was daunting, and the experience left her feeling isolated and stigmatized. She was able to get help from Planned Parenthood’s Justice Fund, but says, "between the money, the travel, and the stigma, it was just so much more difficult than it needed to be to access abortion care."
Since Holliman’s experience, Ohio’s legal landscape has shifted dramatically. The Supreme Court’s Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision in June 2022 ended the constitutional right to abortion, handing authority back to the states. Ohio’s six-week abortion ban took effect immediately, essentially halting most abortions until Planned Parenthood and its legal partners succeeded in blocking the law 11 weeks later. In November 2023, Ohio voters passed the Ohio Reproductive Freedom Amendment, enshrining abortion rights in the state constitution. This led to a Hamilton County judge permanently blocking both the six-week ban and the 24-hour waiting period, giving patients much-needed relief.
Yet, as Lauren Blauvelt, executive director of Planned Parenthood Advocates of Ohio, explains, "We changed the Constitution—we absolutely had a majority of Ohio voters—but once you change the Constitution, the laws that are already in place stay in place." She points out that 31 abortion bans and restrictions remain on the books, many passed while Roe was still law. With a Republican supermajority in the legislature, overturning these restrictions is unlikely, so Planned Parenthood has turned to the courts, successfully challenging a ban on telemedicine abortion and a restriction on nurse practitioners providing medication abortion. These victories have expanded access, especially in rural areas.
But the fight is far from over. As of September 2025, several restrictive bills are pending in the Ohio legislature, including HB 87 (granting constitutional rights to embryos at conception), HB 327 (restricting the abortion medication mifepristone), HB 347 (reinstating the 24-hour waiting period), and HB 370—a total abortion ban with no exceptions for rape or incest. HB 370 would classify abortion as homicide, threatening patients and providers with murder charges, and could impact in vitro fertilization (IVF) and IUD procedures. HB 410 proposes defunding Planned Parenthood, which Blauvelt warns would hurt family planning, birth control, and cancer screenings, since Medicaid rarely covers abortion in Ohio.
Blauvelt sees these efforts as out of step with Ohioans’ wishes. "Those bills are unconstitutional under the Ohio Reproductive Freedom Amendment, but it does show that the fight continues," she said. She cautions against complacency, recalling that the six-week ban was initially dismissed as too extreme—until it became law in 2019. "Republicans are well-funded, persistent, and committed."
While legal battles rage, grassroots organizations are stepping up to help those in need. Groups like Abortion Fund of Ohio provide financial support, while Faith Choice Ohio offers transportation, lodging, childcare, language interpretation, and non-judgmental spiritual counseling. Holliman, now an engagement and community care manager for Abortion Fund of Ohio, says, "There’s all of this misinformation, and it’s a stigmatized subject. How can you find resources if you can’t talk about it?" She notes that demand has soared—a 270% increase in clients between 2022 and 2023—and the group has had to pause out-of-state funding due to resource constraints.
Ohio, with nearly 12 million residents, has only 11 in-person abortion clinics and nine telehealth providers. Meanwhile, 124 crisis pregnancy centers—many funded by the state—work to dissuade patients from choosing abortion, often using scare tactics and misinformation. As neighboring states have imposed bans, Ohio has seen a spike in out-of-state patients. "We saw an almost tenfold increase in overall out-of-state patients in 2024," Blauvelt said, adding that the absence of a waiting period has made Ohio a key access point for those from West Virginia, Kentucky, and Indiana.
Abortion remains legal in Ohio until just after 21 weeks’ gestation, but barriers persist. Kara, an Ohio resident whose name has been changed for privacy, struggled to find financial assistance and childcare. Faith Choice Ohio helped with transportation and childcare, but ultimately, she left the state for her procedure. "It seemed like there was more support" elsewhere, she said.
Meanwhile, South Carolina is on the verge of a seismic change. Senate Bill 323, the "Unborn Child Protection Act," introduced in February 2025, is scheduled for a public sub-committee hearing on October 1. The bill would impose a total abortion ban, repealing exceptions for rape, incest, and fatal fetal anomalies, and redefining life as beginning at conception. According to the ACLU of South Carolina’s Matthew Butler, this would equate abortion with homicide, carrying prison sentences of up to 30 years. It would also criminalize sharing information about abortion or helping someone travel out of state for care.
Charleston mother Tori Nardone’s story illustrates the stakes. In her second trimester, she learned her daughter had a fatal fetal anomaly, but was forced to leave South Carolina for an abortion because doctors couldn’t provide the required physical evidence. "It’s not enough to have an expert opinion and an expert word. You have to have the medical, physical evidence," she told WCIV. Under SB 323, her husband and mother-in-law could also have faced criminal charges for helping her.
The bill’s implications extend beyond abortion. It could affect contraception and IVF, as Butler notes: "We are not certain how this bill will have full effects on birth control, whether IUDs, intrauterine devices or hormonal birth control, or other types of contraceptives that are currently on the market. Would those become illegal under this bill?" Advocates worry about a chilling effect on healthcare, with more OBGYNs likely to leave the state. Ashley Lidow of the Women’s Rights and Empowerment Network warns, "This is something truly that everybody in our state could be criminalized under if they’re supporting people who may need healthcare, whether it’s abortion, miscarriage management, or even access to contraception later on."
With the Medical Affairs Sub-Committee hearing set for October 1, South Carolinians will have a chance to voice their concerns—but the future is uncertain. Across the country, the struggle for reproductive rights continues to play out in courtrooms, legislatures, and the lives of ordinary people, with no end in sight.
