In the wake of Nepal’s historic Gen Z uprising, which rocked the nation in September 2025 and left an indelible mark on the country’s political and social landscape, the country’s leading parties and institutions are grappling with the challenge of charting a new course. The uprising, which saw at least 74 people lose their lives according to reporting by Republica, toppled the government led by KP Sharma Oli and forced a reckoning with entrenched systems of power. Yet, as the dust settles, questions persist about whether Nepal’s leadership is truly prepared to answer the call for reform and accountability that echoed through the streets of Kathmandu and beyond.
On November 23, 2025, the Nepali Congress—the country’s oldest and largest political party—officially decided to participate in the House of Representatives (HoR) elections scheduled for March 5, 2026. This decision, reported by The Kathmandu Post, came after a month-long central working committee meeting and marks a clear divergence from the stance of its former coalition partner, the CPN-UML. The UML, once the second-largest force in the dissolved House, continues to boycott the upcoming polls, insisting instead on the restoration of the parliament dissolved on September 12.
“We firmly believe that only through elections can we safeguard the Constitution, institutionalise the voices for change raised during the Gen-Z movement and move the country forward,” the Nepali Congress stated in its official decision after the meeting. The party’s announcement is expected to increase pressure on the UML to reconsider its boycott, with most other major parties already preparing their campaigns and registering with the Election Commission for both the National Assembly elections in January and the subsequent House elections.
The CPN-UML’s refusal to participate, as reported by Republica, has left it increasingly isolated. At a mass meeting in Kathmandu, UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli asserted, “We will continue to show our strength until the House is reinstated. We will hold even larger and more powerful gatherings in the days to come until the House of Representatives is reinstated. This demand is not just for the sake of making a demand; it is a demand that must be fulfilled.”
Yet, political analysts warn that the UML’s confrontational stance risks further destabilizing an already fragile political environment. The party’s recent announcement of a National Volunteer Force, led by a controversial figure convicted of serious crimes, has raised concerns about potential intimidation and political vigilantism. According to Republica, this approach may only erode public trust and disrupt preparations for the March 5 vote.
The Gen Z uprising, which erupted on September 8–9 and resulted in the deaths of at least 74 people (with Al Jazeera and Kathmandu Post reporting as many as 76), fundamentally altered Nepal’s political trajectory. The protests, sparked by a social media ban and fueled by widespread youth unemployment and inequality, forced the resignation of the UML-led government and led to the appointment of an interim prime minister from outside Parliament. The Nepali Congress, in its official statement, maintained that the dissolution of Parliament was unconstitutional and contrary to the Supreme Court’s view, but acknowledged that the final interpretation would come from the court.
Amidst this political turmoil, the Congress has also voiced deep concerns about the country’s law and order situation. The party highlighted the dangers posed by thousands of prisoners who remain at large following mass jailbreaks during the uprising, hundreds of missing weapons, and the inability of political parties to campaign freely. “An environment free of fear is indispensable for the elections,” the Congress declared, urging the government to immediately improve peace and security and ensure a peaceful atmosphere for the general public.
The party condemned recent acts of violence and provocation, calling for restraint and dialogue rather than prohibition or mistrust. “At this time, restraint—not provocation; dialogue—not prohibition; trust—not mistrust—is necessary,” the Congress appealed. It called for a multi-party national dialogue, inviting parties from the dissolved House, new groups emerging after the demonstrations, Gen Z activists, civil society, intellectuals, business leaders, and the media to engage in building a shared national understanding.
Despite the Congress’s decisive stance on the elections, internal divisions persist over the timing and nature of its own party convention. As reported by The Kathmandu Post, fifty percent of elected representatives are demanding a special convention before the March elections, citing the expiration of all elected bodies’ mandates in mid-December. General Secretary Gagan Thapa, a vocal advocate for leadership change after the Gen Z revolt, argued, “A special convention has become inevitable.” The party’s next meeting, scheduled for November 27, is expected to address the issue, as President Sher Bahadur Deuba—recently returned from medical treatment in Singapore—works to broker a compromise between rival factions.
Meanwhile, the Gen Z movement’s call for accountability and reform has reverberated beyond the political sphere, reaching deep into the country’s institutions. The Health and Population Ministry, led by Dr. Sudha Sharma Gautam since October 26, 2025, has come under fire for alleged cronyism and partisan favoritism. According to Nepali Times, Dr. Prakash Budhathoki’s appointment to the Nepal Medical Council—while already holding three high-level government and medical association roles—has sparked outrage among physicians and youth activists alike. Dr. Sandesh Lamsal, a Dang-based physician, publicly questioned the move, asking, “How can one individual effectively oversee such a range of governmental/official responsibilities?”
The National Doctors’ Association Nepal (NDAN) warned that appointing former advisors over marginalized young doctors undermines the very reforms demanded by the Gen Z protests. The Nepal Medical Association also highlighted chronic shortages of doctors, medicines, and testing facilities, urging immediate implementation of equal pay policies—demands that have so far gone unanswered by the ministry. Despite Dr. Sharma’s pledges for transparency and anti-corruption, critics argue that her tenure has failed to deliver the merit-based governance and systemic overhaul envisioned by the protesters.
The September uprising was not merely a rejection of a particular government, but a wholesale indictment of a political and bureaucratic system seen as unresponsive and corrupt. The youth-driven movement demanded directly elected heads of state, institutional reforms to curb graft, and a break from the revolving door of elite appointments. Yet, as the country prepares for elections, many of those demands remain unmet—raising fears that the opportunity for real change could slip away.
With the March 5, 2026 elections looming, Nepal stands at a crossroads. The Nepali Congress’s decision to join the polls has set the stage for a new chapter, but the path ahead is fraught with challenges. The CPN-UML’s continued boycott threatens further instability, while persistent allegations of cronyism and inertia within key ministries risk undermining public faith in the promise of reform. For the families of those who lost their lives in the Gen Z uprising, and for the thousands of young people who took to the streets demanding a different future, the next few months will test whether Nepal’s leaders are willing—and able—to finally break the cycle of disappointment and deliver on their commitments.
