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24 October 2025

Nepal Gen Z Protests Ignite Debate Over Indian Youth

Violent anti-corruption rallies in Nepal spark online battles and political commentary in India, with critics and supporters clashing over youth activism and the risks of mass protest.

On September 8, 2025, the streets of Kathmandu and several other Nepali cities erupted in a dramatic display of youthful defiance. Thousands of young protesters, waving national flags and singing the anthem, converged on the Parliament building, voicing their anger at corruption and government censorship. According to The Kathmandu Post, the demonstrations were anything but spontaneous; they were meticulously planned in the digital shadows of Discord servers named Yuvatha and Youth Hub, platforms that became nerve centers for Nepal’s so-called Gen Z uprising.

But as the world watched Nepal’s youth topple a government in under 48 hours, a parallel debate raged next door in India. With over 370 million people under the age of 25—almost a quarter of its population—India’s Gen Z is vast, restless, and hyper-connected. Yet, as BBC News observed, this generation has largely refrained from taking to the streets, even as their regional peers in Asia and Africa have staged headline-grabbing revolts.

The contrast between Nepal and India is stark, and it’s become a flashpoint for discussion both online and in the media. The Nepal protests, coordinated through encrypted apps and social media, quickly escalated. Leaked Discord messages—published by The Kathmandu Post—revealed chilling discussions about procuring weapons. A user named Greenishhhhhh posted at 11:49 pm, “Need a [expletive] gun solution.” Minutes later, the same user claimed, “I’ll import from India,” and even mentioned a Kerala-based contact who could supply “about 50 grenades.” While some urged caution, the absence of clear leadership allowed tensions to spiral. Misinformation also ran rampant, with a false claim of a rape at Global College Hostel spreading like wildfire before being debunked.

The government’s response was swift and severe. Despite issuing a “shoot-at-sight” order, security forces used water cannons, tear gas, rubber bullets, and even live rounds to disperse the crowds. Protesters broke through barricades, parts of the parliamentary complex were set ablaze, and the political upheaval resulted in the toppling of the KP Oli government. According to BBC News, the Nepal uprising was one of a series of youth-led revolts across Asia and Africa in recent years, from Madagascar to Bangladesh, where frustration over corruption and inequality has boiled over into the streets.

Yet, in India, the story is different. Despite being constantly connected and politically aware, India’s Gen Z has largely stayed away from mass protests. The reasons, as outlined by BBC News, are complex: fear of being branded “anti-national,” deep regional and caste divides, economic anxieties, and a pervasive sense that street action might have little tangible impact. There have been sparks of unrest—like the violent clashes in Ladakh in September 2025 over statehood demands—but nothing on the scale of Nepal’s recent upheaval.

In fact, the Indian government has reportedly taken note of the regional turmoil. Following the Nepal uprising, Delhi’s police chief instructed his force to prepare contingency plans for potential youth-led demonstrations in the capital. Online, debate is fierce and divided. Some users on Reddit and X have called for Indian youth to emulate their Nepali counterparts, while others warn against romanticizing the violence that marked Nepal’s protests. Fact-checking outlet BoomLive described an “online battle” within India’s Gen Z: some view the demonstrations as justified, others suspect foreign manipulation.

India’s history of youth activism is storied, from the anti-Indira Gandhi protests of the 1970s to recent campus movements. Yet, as BBC News notes, experts remain skeptical that Indian Gen Z could ever unite in a national movement capable of toppling the central government. “I don’t see a single force uniting us,” said Vipul Kumar, a 26-year-old journalist from Bihar. “Power in India is much more decentralized than in Nepal, and so is the anger of its youth.” Sudhanshu Kaushik of the Centre for Youth Policy echoed this sentiment, pointing out that India’s youth are divided along regional, linguistic, and caste lines, making a unified uprising unlikely.

Economic pressures also play a significant role. While India’s economy is generally faring better than many others, unemployment anxiety remains high. Many young Indians are focused on personal advancement, including migration abroad. Only 38% of 18-year-olds registered to vote in the 2024 elections, and a recent survey found that 29% of young Indians avoid traditional politics altogether. Interestingly, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has retained strong youth support, with 40% backing in 2019 and only a marginal decline in 2024, according to post-election surveys by CSDS-Lokniti.

But not everyone is convinced by the narrative that Indian youth are simply apathetic. On October 23, 2025, OpIndia published a scathing critique of the BBC article “Gen Z rising? Why young Indians aren’t taking to the streets.” OpIndia accused the BBC of romanticizing violent uprisings and subtly agitating Indian youth to revolt, similar to Nepal’s protests. The critique argued that the BBC’s tone suggested disappointment, not relief, that Indian students haven’t taken to arson and regime change. “The framing is psychological, not analytical,” OpIndia wrote, suggesting that the BBC equates calmness with cowardice and restraint with repression.

OpIndia also highlighted the violence and destruction unleashed during the Nepal uprising—nearly 20 dead, homes of former prime ministers burned, and the country teetering on military rule—as evidence that such revolts are not to be idealized. The critique accused the BBC of cherry-picking facts and ignoring the chaos that can follow youth-led revolutions. “The Nepal uprising left nearly 20 dead, homes of former prime ministers burnt, ministers assaulted, and heritage sites like the Singha Durbar complex vandalised,” OpIndia noted, warning against using such events as a “template” for India’s youth.

Underlying the debate is a broader question: what does effective youth dissent look like in the world’s largest democracy? For some, the answer lies in digital activism, entrepreneurship, and policy engagement rather than street protests. As OpIndia put it, “India’s Gen Z is building startups, writing code, making films, and exploring the world, not wasting its energy on political theatre staged by external puppeteers.” The critique argued that India’s youth have learned from past upheavals that burning buses doesn’t create jobs and toppling governments doesn’t guarantee a better tomorrow.

Still, the generational mood is not one of total disengagement. The older cohort of Gen Z watched, as teenagers, the massive street movements of the 2010s—from Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption protests to the mass demonstrations over the 2012 Delhi gang-rape. In 2019, student-led protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) led to violent clashes and long-term consequences for some student leaders. The government, for its part, has sought to channel youth energy through policy initiatives and outreach, even as it restricts campus protests in some top universities.

For now, India’s Gen Z remains more watchful than rebellious. Their dissent is subdued, but their aspirations are unmistakably clear. Whether this signals a new kind of revolution—one fought in the digital realm and at the ballot box rather than on the barricades—remains to be seen. What’s certain is that the debate over how, why, and whether India’s youth should take to the streets is far from over.

In the end, the story of Gen Z in South Asia is one of contrasts, complexities, and competing narratives. As Nepal’s youth test the limits of protest and India’s youth weigh the costs and benefits of dissent, both countries are writing new chapters in the long, unfinished story of generational change.