On Monday, October 27, 2025, Mali awoke to an unsettling new reality: every school and university across the nation was shuttered, the classrooms silent, the playgrounds empty. The abrupt closure, announced by Education Minister Amadou Sy Savane the previous evening on state television, was not the result of a health crisis or political protest, but of a deepening fuel shortage that has gripped the country since early September. "Classes will be suspended for two weeks due to disruptions in fuel supplies that are affecting the movement of school staff," Savane declared, his words echoing across a nation already weary from years of conflict and economic fragility.
The root of this unprecedented disruption lies in a blockade imposed by the al-Qaida-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) group. In early September, these militants announced a ban on fuel imports from neighboring countries into Mali, trapping hundreds of fuel trucks at border posts and triggering a cascade of hardship. The landlocked West African nation, home to 25 million people, relies almost entirely on fuel imports from Senegal and Ivory Coast. With the main arteries of supply choked off, the capital city Bamako soon witnessed scenes reminiscent of a country under siege: endless queues at gas stations, frustrated motorists sleeping in their vehicles, and the once-busy streets falling eerily quiet.
According to the Associated Press, the blockade has delivered a major setback to Mali’s military junta, which seized power in a 2020 coup with promises to restore stability and security after years of insurgent attacks. The junta’s grip on power has been tested repeatedly, and the fuel crisis has only intensified the pressure. Despite attempts by the military to escort stranded fuel convoys from the border to Bamako, militants have attacked several trucks, and only a fraction have managed to reach the city. The scarcity has driven up the cost of transportation and essential goods, deepening the strain on a population where nearly half already live below the national poverty line.
“Authorities are doing everything possible to restore normal fuel supplies before classes resume,” Education Minister Savane reassured the public, setting a target date of November 10 for reopening schools and universities. But for many Malians, such promises ring hollow amid the daily struggle for basic necessities. The blockade has not only crippled transportation and education; it has also disrupted the supply of electricity and threatened to destabilize the broader security situation in unpredictable ways. The BBC reported that the US Embassy in Bamako, citing the worsening fuel shortage and growing security concerns, announced last week that non-essential diplomatic staff and their families would temporarily leave the country.
The fuel blockade is an unusual but effective tactic by JNIM, which has grown into the most potent armed group in the Sahel—a vast region stretching from North Africa to West Africa, plagued by insecurity and insurgency. Analysts, such as Beverly Ochieng from the Control Risks Group, see the blockade as a calculated move to pressure commercial operators and residents to distance themselves from the military authorities, thereby undermining the junta’s legitimacy. The group’s show of force comes despite ongoing military strikes against them, and it sends a clear message: the militants remain a formidable presence, capable of disrupting daily life and challenging state authority in ways that go beyond traditional armed attacks.
Mali’s recent history is marked by turbulence. After the 2020 coup, the junta expelled French forces and turned to Russian mercenary groups, notably the Wagner Group, hoping for a decisive shift in the fight against jihadists. Yet, as AP and Deutsche Welle both note, insecurity has only worsened. Some of the attacks in Mali this year have been the deadliest in over three years, and large swathes of the north and east remain outside government control. The situation is further complicated by the fact that neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger—also under military rule—face similar insurgent threats and have joined Mali in expelling Western military support in favor of Russian assistance, with little tangible improvement on the ground.
For ordinary Malians, the fuel blockade has meant more than just inconvenience. The price of commodities and transport has soared, stretching already thin household budgets to the breaking point. In Bamako, the capital, the sight of motorcycles and vehicles queuing for hours at service stations has become commonplace. As the BBC described, the city’s usually bustling streets have grown noticeably quieter, and business activity has slowed to a crawl. The government has responded by announcing fuel restrictions "until further notice," giving priority to emergency vehicles and public transit, but such measures offer scant relief for most residents.
The education sector has been particularly hard hit. With fuel in short supply, teachers and students alike have found it impossible to travel to schools. The nationwide closure of educational institutions is a stark indicator of how deeply the crisis has penetrated daily life. The government’s hope is that the situation can be stabilized within two weeks, but as of now, there is little certainty. The military continues to attempt escorting fuel trucks from the border, but attacks by militants persist, and the lack of air power further hampers their efforts. As Oluwole Ojewale from the Institute for Security Studies pointed out, the military’s limited resources make it difficult to guarantee safe passage for essential supplies.
The blockade’s impact extends beyond the immediate hardships. Mali is one of Africa’s top gold producers, yet it remains the sixth least developed nation in the world. The current crisis threatens to erode what little economic stability remains, with ripple effects likely to be felt across the region. The junta’s legitimacy—already under strain from ongoing violence and economic difficulties—is being tested anew by the militants’ ability to disrupt vital supply lines and force the government into reactive measures like school closures.
International observers are watching closely. The departure of French and UN peacekeeping forces, the arrival of Russian mercenaries, and the persistent insurgency all point to a nation at a crossroads. The fuel blockade, while perhaps temporary, underscores the enduring vulnerability of Mali’s state institutions and the resilience of the militant groups that oppose them. As the government scrambles to restore fuel supplies and reopen schools by November 10, the broader question remains: can Mali’s junta deliver the stability and security it promised, or will the cycle of crisis and hardship continue?
For now, Malians wait—at gas stations, in their homes, and outside shuttered schools—hoping that the next two weeks will bring relief. But with militants still at large and the blockade firmly in place, the road ahead looks as uncertain as ever.
