The West African nation of Guinea-Bissau has once again found itself at the center of political turmoil following a dramatic military coup on November 26, 2025. The latest upheaval, which led to the ousting of President Umaro Sissoco Embaló and the suspension of the electoral process, has drawn sharp condemnation from international partners and reignited concerns about the country’s long-standing cycle of instability.
According to Lusa, the governments of Portugal and Mozambique were among the first to publicly denounce the military’s seizure of power. Meeting at their sixth bilateral summit in Porto on December 9, 2025, Portuguese Prime Minister Luís Montenegro and Mozambican President Daniel Chapo issued a joint statement expressing their “concern about developments in the country.” Both leaders reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP) as a forum for political consultation and cooperation, and they called for a swift return to constitutional order in Guinea-Bissau. “They strongly condemned the seizure of power by force in Guinea-Bissau, expressing concern about developments in that partner country. They also supported initiatives to ensure a return to constitutional order and the completion of the electoral process in that country,” the summit’s final declaration stated.
The roots of the crisis stretch back to the presidential and legislative elections held on November 23, 2025. The polls themselves passed without incident, but the aftermath quickly unraveled. Fernando Dias da Costa, one of the leading presidential contenders, claimed victory and demanded that the National Election Commission (CNE) convene a plenary session to declare the results “as soon as possible.” However, the CNE announced it was unable to proceed due to alleged acts of vandalism at its premises. Judge Idriça Djaló, the CNE’s deputy executive secretary, explained that “armed, hooded men” had attacked the commission’s headquarters on November 26, just one day before provisional results were to be announced.
In a statement posted on social media, Dias da Costa—who is currently exiled at the Nigerian embassy in Bissau—condemned what he called the “illegal position” of the CNE’s executive secretariat. He accused the secretariat of “usurping the powers” of the commission’s plenary session and insisted that the results be released “as soon as possible so that the will of the people expressed at the polls is respected.”
The situation escalated rapidly on November 26, when the military high command seized power, dismissed President Embaló (who subsequently left the country), and suspended the electoral process entirely. A shootout in the capital, Bissau, preceded the military takeover, which the opposition denounced as an attempt to prevent the release of the election results. The military installed General Horta Inta-A as transitional president and announced a transition period that would last no more than one year. Ilídio Vieira Té, Embaló’s former minister, was appointed both prime minister and finance minister.
A new transitional government was sworn in shortly thereafter, comprising 23 ministers and five secretaries of state. Notably, five of these officials are military personnel. During the coup, Simões Pereira, leader of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), was arrested. The African Union and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) responded by suspending Guinea-Bissau from their organizations, underscoring the gravity of the situation and the country’s growing isolation.
The motives behind the coup remain murky. As reported by AFP, observers and opposition figures have raised suspicions that Embaló himself may have orchestrated the takeover to halt the electoral process, fearing defeat at the ballot box. Initially, the ruling junta cited threats from the country’s powerful drug barons—Guinea-Bissau has long been a hub for cocaine trafficking—as justification for their intervention. Later, they pointed to the risk of ethnic civil war as a reason for suspending the electoral process and assuming control.
Seeking to provide a legal framework for the period of military rule, the junta published a “charter of the transition” on December 8, 2025. The document, according to AFP, stipulates that neither General Horta N’Tam (as he is also known) nor the junta’s prime minister are eligible to stand as candidates in the presidential or legislative elections at the end of the transition period. The charter also prohibits them from heading political parties. Furthermore, it provides for the adoption of a law offering amnesty to those who committed “acts of subversion of the constitutional order on November 26, 2025.” This law is set to be approved by a legislative body appointed by the junta at a later date.
Paulino Quade, a lawyer and professor at the Amilcar Cabral University law school, cautioned against taking the junta’s promises at face value. “There is room for doubt about the length of the transitional period because, when it comes to the military, caution is needed when interpreting their statements,” he told AFP. The skepticism is hardly surprising given Guinea-Bissau’s troubled history. Since gaining independence from Portugal in 1974, the country has endured four military takeovers and a litany of attempted insurrections, each one eroding public trust and further destabilizing the nation.
The international community has watched the unfolding events with mounting anxiety. Portugal, at the Porto summit, took the opportunity to congratulate Mozambique on its first term as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for 2023-2024, while Mozambique reaffirmed its support for Portugal’s candidacy for the 2027-2028 term. Yet, these diplomatic pleasantries were overshadowed by the crisis in Guinea-Bissau, which threatens to undermine regional stability and democratic progress.
Meanwhile, the people of Guinea-Bissau are left in a state of uncertainty. The suspension of the electoral process and the installation of a transitional government dominated by military figures has raised questions about the prospects for a genuine return to civilian rule. The junta’s assurances that the transition will last no more than a year have done little to allay fears, especially given the country’s history of protracted military interventions.
Calls for transparency and the restoration of constitutional order have come from both within and outside Guinea-Bissau. Dias da Costa’s demand for the immediate release of election results remains unanswered, and the opposition continues to denounce the military’s actions as a blatant power grab. With ECOWAS and the African Union maintaining their suspensions, Guinea-Bissau faces the real risk of deepening isolation unless concrete steps are taken to restore democratic governance.
As the dust settles on another upheaval, Guinea-Bissau’s future hangs in the balance. The next few months will be critical in determining whether the country can break free from its cycle of coups and chart a path toward lasting stability. For now, all eyes are on the transitional authorities and the promises they have made—promises that many, understandably, are hesitant to trust.