In the bustling city of Kunming, Southwest China, a remarkable gathering is underway that could reshape the global order as we know it. The Global South Media and Think Tank Forum 2025, which kicked off on September 5, has drawn about 500 representatives from over 260 institutions across 110 countries and international organizations. Over five days, participants are engaging under the banner "Empowering Global South, Navigating Global Changes," a theme that captures both the aspirations and the anxieties of developing nations eager to assert their place on the world stage.
This is no ordinary conference. It’s the second edition of a forum that began last year in Sao Paulo, Brazil, where the inaugural gathering issued the Sao Paulo Declaration. That document called on Global South media and think tanks to "resolutely advocate for the group's common interests and continuously boost its voice and influence in global affairs," according to Xinhua. The momentum from that declaration has only grown, as seen in the recent BRICS Media and Think Tank Forum and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Media and Think Tank Summit held in Brazil and China this July.
At the heart of this movement lies a simple but profound idea: the world is changing, and the traditional dominance of Western powers is being challenged by a more assertive, interconnected Global South. According to Xinhua, the Global South now accounts for over 40 percent of global GDP and contributes as much as 80 percent of global growth—a staggering statistic that underscores its growing economic weight. But it’s not just about economics. The region’s leaders and intellectuals are intent on building consensus for peace, identifying new engines of development, and advancing a dialogue among civilizations that reflects their own values and priorities.
Leonardo Attuch, editor-in-chief of Brazil 247, who attended both the Sao Paulo and Kunming forums, put it bluntly: "In just one year, we have already seen deeper and more structured dialogues among Global South media, further amplifying the voices of Global South countries and transforming the traditionally Western media-dominated hegemonic narrative." His words echo a broader sentiment that the time has come for developing countries to shape their own stories—and, by extension, the global narrative.
China, as a self-identified member of the Global South, has been particularly active in promoting this vision. From Asia to Africa, Latin America to the Pacific, China has collaborated with fellow developing nations on high-profile infrastructure projects—roads, bridges, harbors—and smaller, impactful initiatives like Luban Workshops and hybrid rice cultivation. Nassar Abdulkareem Nassar, deputy director of media affairs at the Iraqi News Agency, told Xinhua that "China's support has enabled numerous landmark projects and livelihood programs" in Iraq, providing "a continuous impetus for development across the Global South."
But what does all this mean in the broader context of world politics? The answer, increasingly, is multipolarity. For much of the post-Cold War era, the United States stood as the world’s sole superpower, its economic, military, and technological might shaping global norms and institutions. That era, however, is showing unmistakable signs of strain. As reported by The Indian Eye, leaders across Eurasia—from Moscow to Beijing to New Delhi—are calling for an end to unipolarity and the creation of a more balanced, multipolar system.
Russian President Vladimir Putin, during a recent visit to China, described the notion of a unipolar world as "unfair" and unsustainable. He argued that a multipolar system should be one where "all actors of international relations must be equal." This vision is increasingly echoed in forums like BRICS and the SCO, which are not only platforms for dialogue but also mechanisms for reshaping trade, security, and technological cooperation. The recent SCO Summit in Tianjin, China, brought these ambitions into sharp focus, with leaders discussing global governance reform, counter-terrorism strategies, and even cooperation in artificial intelligence.
India’s role in this evolving landscape is especially noteworthy. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent diplomatic marathon—visiting Japan and China in late August—underscored New Delhi’s ambition to act as both a bridge and a balancing power. At the 25th SCO Summit, Modi met with Presidents Putin and Xi Jinping, reaffirming India’s willingness to help shape the rules of engagement in Asia and beyond. In his speech, Modi emphasized three pillars for cooperation: security, connectivity, and opportunity. He also stressed the importance of countering terrorism, a theme that resonated strongly after the Pahalgam attack. The summit’s final declaration condemned cross-border terrorism, reflecting India’s concerns and a greater openness from China, which has often been criticized for shielding Pakistan on the international stage.
Equally significant was the bilateral meeting between Modi and Xi, where both leaders described India and China as "development partners, not rivals," a notable shift given the tensions since the 2020 border clashes. While differences remain, this pragmatic recalibration could help stabilize one of the world’s most consequential relationships. India’s deepening ties with Russia were also on display, as Modi and Putin marked the 15th anniversary of their "Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership." From energy supplies to defense cooperation, the bond between New Delhi and Moscow remains robust, even as Western sanctions put pressure on such relationships.
Meanwhile, the United States finds itself in a bind. As The Indian Eye reports, the Trump administration’s imposition of steep tariffs on Indian goods—50 percent across the board, with an additional 25 percent penalty tied to India’s purchase of Russian crude—has strained relations and, according to former US National Security Advisor John Bolton, "shredded decades of Western efforts" to draw India closer to Washington. The tariff war, Bolton argued, has "pushed Modi closer to Russia and China," providing Beijing with an opportunity to present itself as a credible alternative partner.
For Europe, the message is equally sobering. Finnish President Alexander Stubb warned that if the West fails to adopt a more cooperative and respectful approach to the Global South, it risks losing its global influence. The SCO, for instance, is now openly considering alternatives to the IMF and World Bank, including new development banking systems that could challenge the Western-dominated financial order.
Despite the complexities—border disputes, competing interests, and regional rivalries—the willingness of India, Russia, and China to set aside differences, at least for now, signals a historic shift. As Dzhoni Melikyan, an Armenian government official, told Xinhua, Global South media and think tanks "should become the voice and conscience of the diverse societies, providing in-depth analysis, advocating constructive narratives, and shaping a balanced global discourse system."
The Kunming forum itself is set to release two signature documents: the Yunnan Consensus, a pledge to expand cooperative news production, and a research report on China’s contribution to global public intellectual products. The event also marks the formal launch of the Global South Joint Communication Partnership Network, uniting more than 1,000 media outlets and institutions across 95 countries and regions.
As the world enters this new phase, the direction seems clear. The age of unipolarity is waning, and a more plural, multipolar order is emerging—one shaped not by a single center of power, but by a chorus of voices from the Global South. For the leaders and thinkers gathered in Kunming, and for the billions they represent, the future is theirs to define.
