In the heart of Mexico City, a new generation is making its voice heard. On November 15, 2025, more than 17,000 young people—self-identified as "Generation Z"—filled the Zócalo, Mexico’s iconic central square, to demand change from President Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration. Their rallying cry was clear: "Because we are not for any party. We are for Mexico." Yet, the days that followed would see the movement’s momentum questioned, its leadership scrutinized, and its authenticity debated across political lines.
The November 15 demonstration, according to official estimates reported by CNN and Telesur, was a significant event not just in terms of numbers but also in the diversity of participants. Political analyst Jacques Coste, writing in Expansión Política, pointed out that unlike previous mobilizations such as the "Marea Rosa," which he described as dominated by middle and upper classes focused on abstract causes, this protest brought together young people from various social backgrounds. "The demonstrations on Saturday showed a more interclass character, joining diverse sectors dissatisfied with the federal government’s shortcomings, and these issues could have electoral potential," Coste wrote.
But just five days later, on November 20, a second protest fizzled. Fewer than 200 people showed up at the Zócalo. Police were on alert, expecting a repeat of the clashes that had marked the earlier event, but the day passed quietly. According to CNN, the number of journalists and media present nearly outnumbered the protesters themselves. Authorities reported confiscating clubs, masks, and chains from a handful of participants, and a small group of hooded individuals entered the square, but no incidents were reported.
The timing of the November 20 protest was notable—it coincided with the traditional military parade commemorating the Mexican Revolution, led by President Sheinbaum herself. Despite concerns, the two events did not clash, and the city remained peaceful. Yet, the drop in turnout prompted questions about the movement’s staying power and the forces behind it.
President Sheinbaum and her team wasted no time in framing the narrative. She claimed that nearly USD 5 million had been invested in promoting anti-government sentiment on social media, implicating prominent businessmen Claudio X González and Ricardo Salinas Pliego, as well as the far-right NGO Atlas Network. According to Sheinbaum, the violence during the first protest on November 15 "caused widespread rejection among the majority of protesters," leading to the low turnout at the second event. She went further, suggesting that the initial demonstration was exaggerated by journalists and influencers with political agendas.
The government’s skepticism was echoed by Miguel Elorza, coordinator of Infodemia, who described the movement as "an inorganic call, paid for, with the participation of the international right, with social media accounts operated from abroad." He added, "These accounts supported the opposition and participated in the campaigns of lies with narco-labels in 2024." Such accusations have cast a shadow over the authenticity of the protests, raising the question: Who do these young protesters really represent?
Amid the swirl of allegations, one name surfaced repeatedly: Edson Saúl Andrade Lemus. Andrade, it was revealed, is an employee of the right-wing National Action Party (PAN) and has managed social media for several PAN representatives. Telesur reported that Andrade was instrumental in promoting the demonstrations, allegedly using bots to amplify their reach online. Despite this, PAN’s national leader, Jorge Romero Herrera, denied any official party connection to the November 15 march, insisting that Andrade acted independently.
This link to PAN has fueled doubts about the movement’s non-partisan claims. Experts like Aldo Muñoz Armenta, a professor at the Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México (UAEMéx), argue that Generation Z’s greatest challenge is to distance itself from political parties if it hopes to gain legitimacy. "The mistakes of the government cannot be addressed by the parties because the opposition parties are very, very discredited. All opponents need non-partisan brands to discredit the government. If they appear with a partisan brand, their credibility is zero," Armenta explained in remarks published by Expansión Política.
Indeed, the movement’s official petition, presented during the November 15 protest, emphasized its non-partisan stance. The 12-point document called for presidential recall, the creation of a Citizen Organism of Total Transparency, deep reform of the justice system, and the demilitarization of public security. These are weighty demands—ones that, if championed by a credible, independent movement, could resonate widely.
Yet, as Armenta noted, skepticism persists on all sides. "The opposition says it is 'genuine, spontaneous, non-partisan.' And the government says 'it is not neutral, it was induced, promoted by business groups not aligned with the government and by political parties.' The relevant debate is: Who do they represent? The opposition or the citizens? Are these parties masked as civil society or Generation Z?" he asked.
Telésforo Nava, a professor at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana (UAM), sees historical echoes in the current mobilization. He recalls that young people have long been at the forefront of social movements in Mexico—most famously in 1968. "The most sensitive to the big problems are the young. Don’t rule out that the young will gain strength, just as they did in ’68. In the mobilizations, we saw young people who are already fed up, fed up because their needs are not being met," Nava told Expansión Política.
However, both Nava and Armenta agree: for the Generation Z movement to become a real political force, it must remain non-partisan and develop strong leadership. Nava insists, "It must be a strong leadership, must maintain its positions in the face of the government’s demands, and try to give more coherence and strength to their responses." Armenta warns that without leadership and legitimacy, the movement’s demands will be minimized. "The government put a lot of emphasis on discrediting the movement. It’s part of their strategy to show that they are opposition, that they have a partisan brand, which means their complaints and demands are not from civil society and that the people are actually on the government’s side," he said.
Meanwhile, Rafael Barajas, president of the National Institute for Political Training of MORENA, offered a starker warning. He suggested that the protests could be part of a "soft coup" strategy, citing the classic playbook attributed to American political scientist Gene Sharp: foment unrest, accuse the government of human rights abuses, intensify opposition movements, escalate to violent protests, and ultimately destabilize the government. "Many foreigners were surprised by the very violent episode of the November 15 march, which had a great impact among MAGA supporters and which they present as a 'success,' as a massive march. The march was exaggerated by the media and announced as the Mexican version of the Nepalese uprising. But it is something totally different and is part of the logic of Trumpism and the Monroe Doctrine. It is part of the logic of 'soft coups,'" Barajas argued, as quoted by Telesur.
For now, President Sheinbaum enjoys an approval rating near 70%, and her party, MORENA, remains broadly popular. The government continues to monitor future demonstrations, alleging they are financed by "shady capital and interests." Whether Generation Z’s movement will fizzle or ignite lasting change may depend on its ability to shake off political entanglements and find its own authentic voice. The coming months will reveal whether this new generation can turn a moment of protest into a movement for the ages—or just another footnote in Mexico’s long history of political unrest.
