French politics and foreign relations are facing a period of extraordinary turbulence and uncertainty as the country grapples with a series of crises at home and abroad. From the tense diplomatic dance with Algeria, to the looming 2027 presidential election with no clear frontrunner, and the deepening economic and social emergency in New Caledonia, France’s political elite finds itself walking a tightrope—often with little safety net in sight.
In the weeks leading up to November 10, 2025, Algerian-French relations have entered a phase of cautious rapprochement, though not without new obstacles. According to Echorouk, the French government, under President Emmanuel Macron, has made overtures to Algeria in an attempt to repair the damage of the past year. French Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez recently announced that he had received an invitation from his Algerian counterpart, signaling a possible thaw after a period marked by diplomatic frostiness.
Yet, these efforts have been overshadowed by what many in Algiers see as insincerity from Paris. The French Foreign Minister, Jean-Noël Barrot, spoke of France’s desire to restore security cooperation and revive the once-privileged role of French companies in Algeria. However, hopes for a reset were dashed by Macron’s controversial decision to back Morocco’s autonomy plan for Western Sahara—a move that, according to Echorouk, “shattered all hopes of France regaining its interests in its former colony.”
The strain has only deepened with France’s role at the United Nations. Paris, following direct instructions from the Élysée Palace, actively lobbied EU members Denmark, Slovenia, and Greece—each non-permanent members of the Security Council—to support a UN resolution favoring Morocco in the Western Sahara conflict. Algerian resentment over this maneuver is palpable, with many officials feeling betrayed by a supposed partner.
Meanwhile, French President Emmanuel Macron attempted to reach out to Algeria by sending a congratulatory message to President Abdelmadjid Tebboune on the 71st anniversary of the Algerian War of Independence. But as Echorouk reports, Macron’s gesture “was lost amidst a flood of congratulations from other presidents, kings, and emirs of brotherly and friendly nations,” highlighting the diminished weight of France’s words in Algiers.
Internal French politics have further complicated matters. A recent parliamentary motion, submitted by the far-right National Rally party and calling for the abrogation of the 1968 agreement with Algeria, passed the National Assembly with notable support from members of Macron’s own Renaissance party. Many of Macron’s allies were either absent or voted in favor, exposing deep divisions and what political science professor Ali Rebidj described as “the practices of the French president and his inner circle.”
Rebidj, who also serves in Algeria’s National People’s Assembly, was blunt in his assessment: “I don’t believe that the French Interior Minister’s visit to Algeria means we’ve resolved the thorny crisis plaguing bilateral relations.” He added, “I don’t share the view that Algerian-French relations are improving. On the contrary, this visit might indicate that the French position was held hostage by the far right, and that decision-making circles in Paris feel this crisis has damaged France’s image, standing, and interests in Algeria.”
For Algeria, the message is clear: the damage caused by what many perceive as Macron’s reckless policies will not be easily undone. As Rebidj put it, “There is no genuine intention on the part of the French side to repair the damage inflicted on Algerian-French relations.”
Amid this diplomatic turmoil, France’s domestic political landscape is equally unsettled. With the 2027 presidential election on the horizon, the field of candidates remains remarkably open—especially within the centrist bloc. As reported by Le Monde, Roland Lescure, France’s finance minister, recently tried to tally up potential contenders for the presidency and reached a staggering 37 names. The absence of a “natural” candidate is striking, a symptom of the internal divisions and Macron’s declining popularity that have weakened the center.
Macron himself is constitutionally barred from seeking a third consecutive term, leaving his political camp adrift. The only declared candidate so far is Edouard Philippe, Macron’s first prime minister from 2017 to 2020 and current mayor of Le Havre. Philippe, once considered the frontrunner, has kept a low profile, promising only to unveil a “massive program” after the municipal elections in March 2026. The lack of clarity and leadership has left the French political scene in a state of limbo, with the centrist bloc struggling to coalesce around a unifying figure.
While the political elite in Paris jockeys for position, France’s overseas territories are facing their own existential challenges. Nowhere is this more evident than in New Caledonia, where France’s new overseas minister, Naïma Moutchou, began a four-day visit on Monday, November 10, 2025. Her mission: to restart political dialogue and assess the economic devastation left in the wake of violent riots in 2024.
According to RFI, the South Pacific archipelago has been mired in an unprecedented financial crisis since the unrest, which caused billions of euros in damage and sent the local economy into freefall. New Caledonia’s GDP plunged by 13 percent in 2024, and hopes for a rebound have so far proved illusory. Fiscal revenues have shrunk by 26 percent—well above the 20 percent forecast—leaving public finances stretched to the breaking point.
To stave off bankruptcy, the territory secured a one-billion-euro, state-guaranteed loan from the French Development Agency (AFD). Yet, most of that emergency funding has already been spent, with only €200 million left to cover 2026 and 2027. The loan has pushed New Caledonia’s debt-to-GDP ratio to a staggering 360 percent, with repayments set to begin in 2026 at an interest rate of 4.54 percent. This has sparked outrage among local politicians, who argue that the terms are unsustainable and are calling for “national solidarity” and the conversion of part of the loan into direct grants. However, the upcoming Overseas Territories budget, to be debated as part of France’s 2026 finance bill, includes no such provision.
The social fallout is equally dire. Since last year’s violence, around 11,000 jobs have been lost in the territory, which has a population of about 260,000. In the hard-hit suburb of Dumbéa-sur-mer, mayor Yohann Lecourieux lamented, “We have 800 fewer pupils eating in our school canteens because families simply can’t afford it anymore.” Promised social aid has fallen short, and the hardship is spreading. In the rural commune of Bourail, mayor Patrick Robelin noted that the harvest season and seasonal jobs have helped families get by for now, but he remains deeply concerned about the future, urging “far-reaching reforms” and “a collective wake-up call” to avert a deeper crisis.
As France’s leaders confront these interlocking crises—diplomatic rifts with Algeria, political uncertainty at home, and a humanitarian and economic emergency in New Caledonia—the stakes could hardly be higher. Whether the overtures, promises, and policy debates of today will be enough to restore trust and stability remains an open question, and one that will shape the nation’s future for years to come.
