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Politics
18 September 2025

Duterte’s Digital Stronghold Endures In Cebu After Arrest

Pro-Duterte rallies, viral videos, and Facebook groups in Cebu sustain the former president’s influence and reshape local politics even as he faces trial in The Hague.

In the bustling streets of Cebu, a province famed for its vibrant festivals and economic clout, a different kind of celebration has taken center stage in recent months—one that revolves around the enduring legacy of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte. Despite never having governed Cebu directly, Duterte’s influence in this vote-rich region remains as palpable as ever, even after his dramatic arrest and transfer to The Hague in March 2025. Prayer rallies, unity marches, and a deluge of online support have turned the island into what many now call "Duterte country," a testament to the depth and resilience of his appeal.

Shortly after securing victory in the May 2025 midterm elections, Cebu Governor Pamela Baricuatro summed up the prevailing sentiment in a televised interview: "Over the past three years, people have realized that their lives were better during the Duterte administration…. This shows that Cebu is still a Duterte country." Her words echoed across the province, where nine Duterte-backed senatorial candidates swept the polls and Duterte’s presence seemed to loom larger than any prison cell could contain.

Senator Bong Go, a longtime Duterte ally who topped the senatorial race in Cebu, rallied supporters with a promise: "We will not stop until he can return! Thank you so much for your support and trust in Tatay Digong. He was just doing his job for the Filipino people!" The message, delivered in Cebuano at a prayer rally, resonated deeply with attendees, many of whom carried placards and wore shirts emblazoned with Duterte’s image.

This unwavering devotion is not just visible on the streets; it’s amplified in the digital realm. According to Rappler, a September 2024 video of Bishop Efren Perez praising Duterte for "instilling fear among politicians" and curbing corruption resurfaced with renewed vigor following the former president’s arrest. By September 2025, the video had garnered a staggering 19 million views, 352,000 shares, and 472,000 reactions, circulating widely in Cebuano Facebook groups such as Barug Sugbo Updates (with over 119,000 members), Rodrigo Duterte Supporters Cebu, and Senior Citizens of Cebu City.

These online spaces, which often bill themselves as civic-minded forums for Cebu’s progress, have become hotbeds of pro-Duterte sentiment. The reposted sermon from Bishop Perez, for example, drew more than 1.6 million views and a flood of comments expressing nostalgia for Duterte’s presidency and support for Perez’s message. One top comment captured the prevailing mood: "It’s true, most drug addicts changed their ways…and we could walk the streets safely during Pres. Du30’s time." The refrain "Bring back FPRRD Home"—referring to Duterte by his initials—accompanied countless posts, framing his International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest as an unjust exile rather than an act of justice.

But what lies beneath this enduring loyalty? Political analysts argue that the roots of Cebu’s fervent support for Duterte run deeper than mere personal devotion. Regletto Aldrich Imbong, a political science professor at the University of the Philippines Cebu, told Rappler that Duterte’s rise was shaped by the failures of post-EDSA regimes that promised reforms but failed to deliver. "How he styled himself as anti-oligarch, anti-drugs, anti-US, etc. was all informed by the old failures of the previous regimes, failures which, until Duterte’s national prominence, have not been fully brought to popular consciousness and scrutiny," Imbong explained. He added that describing Cebu’s attachment to Duterte as simple loyalty "would be naive," noting instead that economic, political, and social conditions allowed Duterte to craft a leadership style with broad popular appeal.

That appeal, however, is not without its vulnerabilities. Imbong warned that it is "precarious and will eventually erode once public consciousness shifts," which is why, in his view, "Duterte and his minions are hellbent and twisting popular opinion to continuously scaffold this precarious popular appeal."

The digital landscape has played a critical role in sustaining this narrative. According to Rappler, a viral post by the outlet NewMedia—widely shared in pro-Duterte Facebook groups such as Barug Sugbo Updates—has amassed over 18 million views and 124,000 reactions. The post frames Duterte’s transfer to The Hague as a "political kidnapping," asserting that he was "forcibly taken" despite the Philippines’ 2019 withdrawal from the ICC and the lack of ongoing local cases. Yet, as Rappler fact-checked, the ICC retains jurisdiction over crimes committed before the withdrawal, since its investigation into Duterte’s war on drugs began in 2018, a year prior to the exit.

What is striking about these posts is the sheer volume of impassioned responses. Many commenters tag the ICC’s official Facebook page, pleading for Duterte’s return to the Philippines. The most-liked comment, featuring a photo of Duterte, asks: "If he is a criminal, why do people love him so dearly?" Such remarks underscore a worldview in which Duterte is seen not as a defendant, but as the last true protector of the nation, unfairly targeted for his tough stance on crime and corruption.

Online discourse in Cebu often reflects nostalgia for Duterte’s presidency and support for his most controversial policies, particularly the war on drugs. On June 17, 2025, a post in a Cebu Facebook group asked if the drug war had positive effects; 104 comments poured in, most expressing support. One user wrote bluntly, "It helped a lot… I told my nephews if they become addicts, I will kill them myself." This chilling endorsement of familial violence as an extension of Duterte-era logic reveals how online rhetoric can spill into everyday life, normalizing harsh measures in the name of order.

Enriquita Genares, a 68-year-old vendor on Cebu’s historic Colon Street, offered a window into this mindset. Having lived through multiple administrations, she told Rappler in Cebuano, "Those who died were all drug addicts. They really deserved to be killed." For many, safety and discipline have become the yardsticks by which leaders are measured, with Duterte’s "iron fist" approach still resonating years after he left office.

Cebu Normal University political science instructor Erma Janne Cayas explained that this framing persists because Duterte’s image as a strong protector aligns with cultural expectations of leadership. "They view leaders as amahan or fathers, and as kamay na bakal (iron fist) who should impose strict discipline," Cayas told Rappler. She further noted that pro-Duterte groups online appear more genuine than mainstream media, fostering "alternative truths" that reinforce goodwill for Duterte and dismiss criticism as biased. "It becomes evident that being a political loyalist can blind people, sadly, not only the Cebuanos, but also many Filipinos," Cayas said.

This anti-mainstream media stance is further entrenched by outlets like NewMedia, which position themselves as "anti-mainstream" and claim to "expose the truth" allegedly buried by established newsrooms. A Rappler investigative series, DECODED, found that pro-Duterte Facebook pages often frame criticism of Duterte as elitist while promoting their own content as "grassroots" reporting. This narrative not only delegitimizes institutional fact-checking, but also positions users within a self-styled "awakened" digital community.

Looking ahead, the Duterte legacy in Cebu may soon find new expression. Vice President Sara Duterte, the former president’s daughter, continues to employ her father’s populist messaging, positioning herself as "pro-people and anti-elite." UP Cebu political science professor Weena Gera told Rappler that if Sara Duterte can differentiate herself from the current Marcos Jr. regime or cast her family as victims of a corrupt system, she could "galvanize broader mass anger and support for her potential presidential run."

In Cebu, the echoes of Duterte’s war on drugs, his style of leadership, and his digital myth-making have not faded. For many, justice may have sent him to The Hague, but in the stories they tell, he never really left—and the possibility remains that his legacy, or even his daughter, could shape the country’s future once again.