On September 20, 2025, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) gathered just outside Belfast for its annual conference, a pivotal moment for a party navigating the choppy waters of post-Brexit Northern Ireland politics. Gavin Robinson, now in his second year as DUP leader, addressed delegates with a message that was equal parts rallying cry and warning: "When unionism is divided, our opponents prosper." According to BBC News, this sentiment ran through the heart of his keynote speech, underscoring the party’s anxiety over recent electoral setbacks and the fracturing of the unionist vote.
Robinson’s address came at a time when the DUP is no longer the unchallenged force it once was. Sinn Féin, the Irish republican party, has overtaken the DUP in recent elections, seizing the first minister post at Stormont in 2024—a historic first. The DUP now shares power with Sinn Féin, the Alliance Party, and the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) in a devolved government restored only last year after the DUP ended a two-year boycott over post-Brexit trade rules. That boycott, which paralyzed Northern Ireland’s political institutions, ended following a deal with the UK government—an agreement Robinson continues to defend despite criticism from both inside and outside his party.
“Those who argue we would be better off with Starmer than with Stormont cannot point to a single area, or a single policy, where it would be better without devolution,” Robinson insisted at the conference, as reported by BBC News. He made it clear: the DUP’s focus remains on local governance, not ceding power to Westminster, especially under a Labour government led by Keir Starmer.
But the conference was not just about affirming the party’s support for devolved institutions. It was also a moment of introspection and, at times, confrontation. Outside the conference venue, members of a prominent evangelical Christian family protested, targeting Education Minister Paul Givan and accusing him of promoting LGBT rights in schools. This was not their first such protest; just a month earlier, they confronted Education Authority chairman Mervyn Storey with similar accusations. The protests underscored the ongoing tension within Northern Ireland’s conservative circles over social issues—a tension Robinson sought to address head-on.
In an interview with the News Letter on September 19, Robinson doubled down on the DUP’s "common sense" approach to what he called "transgender ideology" and criticized Belfast Pride as "political and exclusionary." Yet, when pressed on whether homosexuality remains a moral issue for the party, Robinson was unequivocal: “Manifestly, no. We have elected representatives who are gay, who are openly gay. It is how they are, but it's not how they view the world.” He emphasized that the DUP’s central mission is unionism, not moral policing: “You join the DUP because you're interested in the union. You join the DUP because you want to strengthen the relationship between NI and the rest of the UK... irrespective of sexual orientation.”
Robinson’s remarks also reflected a broader critique of his political rivals. He took aim at the Alliance Party, led by Naomi Long, branding it "totalitarian" for what he described as a "radicalized ideology" on trans issues. “There are Alliance voters… who are horrified by the position adopted, which really is quite extraordinary ideology, radicalised ideology, on trans issues… There's a totalitarianism within the Alliance Party now, which is really extraordinary in what's supposed to be a liberal party,” Robinson said, according to the News Letter. The DUP leader’s sharp words highlight the fierce competition for the middle ground in Northern Irish politics, where the Alliance Party has made significant gains in recent years.
Despite these social controversies, the central theme of the conference was unity—or the lack thereof—among unionist parties. Robinson renewed calls for greater cooperation, warning that "no party or personality should ever trump our shared strategic aims." This was more than just rhetoric; the DUP has faced mounting pressure from smaller unionist rivals, particularly the Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV), which has siphoned off votes and threatened to further fragment the pro-Union bloc. As BBC News noted, calls for unionist unity were a recurring refrain throughout the day, with an eye firmly fixed on the next assembly election in 2027.
The conference also marked the first for Michelle McIlveen as the party’s deputy leader, a symbolic passing of the torch at a time of transition. Robinson was keen to position the DUP as the only unionist party with the “scale, the capacity and the skill” to deliver for Northern Ireland and strengthen the union. “Under my leadership, we will be strong, but we will not be selfish,” he declared, signaling a willingness to work with others while maintaining the DUP’s leading role.
Inevitably, the issue of the Irish Sea border and the complex legacy of Brexit loomed large. Robinson, who became leader in 2024, reversed the party’s previous hardline position by acknowledging that the border remained and that underlying issues—particularly the influence of EU law—still needed to be addressed. He defended the so-called "Safeguarding the Union" deal, arguing that if it had been fully implemented, it would have “fundamentally” altered the frontier. However, critics, as noted by the News Letter, pointed out that the deal had not fundamentally changed the Windsor Framework and had failed to substantially reduce burdens on businesses. Robinson, for his part, maintained that the agreement represented progress, even if it was "never the sum total of the solution."
Another flashpoint was the role of the Equality Commission for Northern Ireland (ECNI). Robinson accused the commission of "political activism," particularly for seeking a High Court ruling on the definition of "woman" in legal contexts. “There's a political activism which is not even slightly concealed on an issue such as this,” Robinson argued, referencing the high-profile Asher’s bakery case as an example of what he sees as overreach by the commission.
On the broader constitutional front, Robinson addressed the possibility that a future UK government—perhaps led by Reform UK and Nigel Farage—might withdraw from the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). He was clear: “My colleagues and I have all spoken about on the proposals for ECHR – and there can be no solution which isn’t a whole UK solution.” The Protocol, which maintains certain EU human rights provisions in Northern Ireland, has led Robinson to warn that the region could become a “magnet for immigration”—a concern he has raised in parliament.
For all the internal and external challenges, Robinson’s central message was that the DUP would use the Stormont institutions to deliver for unionism. “I could envisage a world in which the assembly wasn't functioning. I would be to the detriment of unionists and the detriment of our ability to deliver, handing all power to a Westminster Government that has failed to deliver,” he said, underscoring the party’s commitment to devolution as the best means of advancing unionist interests.
As the conference concluded, the DUP’s path forward remained fraught with uncertainty. The party is squeezed between rivals on the right, a resurgent Sinn Féin, and a shifting social landscape. But if Robinson’s words are any indication, the DUP intends to stake its future on unity, pragmatism, and a renewed commitment to the institutions of Stormont—even if that means making tough compromises along the way.
