It’s been a year since Claudia Sheinbaum made history as Mexico’s first female president, and the country is still coming to terms with the profound changes and controversies that have marked her early tenure. According to Mexico News Daily, Sheinbaum’s presidency began with a landslide victory, earning her the highest raw vote total in Mexican democratic history. Polls, like one from Banamex and another published in El País, put her approval rating at over 70%, with some surveys indicating it’s as high as 79%. Her strongest support comes from women and young voters aged 18 to 29, especially in states like Oaxaca, Tlaxcala, and Tamaulipas, where approval levels hover near 80%. Even in traditionally skeptical regions like Mexico City and Guanajuato, her ratings remain in the low to mid-50s.
What’s perhaps most remarkable is the shift in tone and atmosphere. Unlike her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), Sheinbaum’s approach has been less polarizing, with a style that’s more measured and inclusive. Many observers, including those who didn’t vote for her, have noticed a real reduction in the anger and division that characterized previous years. As Mexico News Daily notes, “the reduction in polarization is real and encouraging,” allowing policies to be judged with fewer distortions and more open minds.
Diplomatically, Sheinbaum has navigated tricky waters with the United States, particularly around trade and security. Her administration has secured the extradition of more than 55 alleged traffickers linked to major cartels—an achievement that earned her unexpected praise from figures like former U.S. President Donald Trump, who called her “excellent and respectful.” Mexico’s effective average tariff rate stands at a low 8.28%, with 84% of Mexico–U.S. trade remaining duty-free under USMCA exemptions. However, a pause on a 30% tariff is set to lift on October 29, 2025, and if Mexican authorities don’t meet U.S. demands, tariffs could hit commodities like copper, heavy trucks, pharmaceuticals, kitchen cabinets, and upholstered furniture as soon as October 14.
Despite these looming trade challenges, Sheinbaum has avoided the kind of economic shocks and multinational exits that some feared. The big test, though, lies ahead with the renegotiation of the USMCA, which is already unofficially underway. As Mexico News Daily points out, “it will be her strategy—or rather her cool-headed negotiation skills—that determine whether Mexico emerges relatively unscathed.”
On security, the numbers tell a complicated story. Daily homicides have dropped from about 86.9 in September 2024 to roughly 64.9 in July 2025—a significant 25.3% decrease. Yet, paradoxically, public fear of insecurity has actually increased, with those feeling unsafe rising from 59.4% to 63.2% over the same period, according to the National Urban Public Security Survey. This disconnect may be due in part to a shift away from AMLO’s “abrazos, no balazos” (hugs, not bullets) strategy. In Sheinbaum’s first 100 days, confrontations between criminal groups and authorities surged by nearly 97%, and deaths from these clashes increased by over 65%.
While some credit U.S. diplomatic pressure for the drop in homicides, Sheinbaum and Security Secretary Omar García Harfuch have made it clear that dismantling organized crime is a priority. Still, as Mexico News Daily notes, “security remains fragile,” especially for women, who face persistent fears of sexual violence and everyday crime. The numbers may offer hope, but the social perception is that much work remains to be done.
Judicial reform has been another hallmark of Sheinbaum’s first year, though not without controversy. The reform aimed to address longstanding issues of corruption and excessive payrolls among judges, but critics argue that its rushed implementation has increased executive and legislative influence over the judiciary. This has sparked concerns about politicizing a traditionally independent branch. As the new magistrates settle in, questions persist about whether the reforms will reduce impunity or undermine judicial independence.
Meanwhile, Sheinbaum’s party, Morena, is grappling with internal rifts and allegations of hypocrisy. As reported by The New York Times, the party that came to power vowing to put “the poor first” has faced a firestorm over members displaying wealth—fancy hotels, expensive clothing, and millions in outside income. The controversy has reached the highest levels, with party secretary Andrés Manuel López Beltrán, son of Sheinbaum’s mentor and predecessor, at the center of a scandal involving a lavish hotel stay in Tokyo. López Beltrán defended himself, saying, “I used my own money,” and called the criticism “a political lynching campaign steeped in hatred, classism, and slander.”
Other prominent figures, such as Senator Adán Augusto López Hernández and Education Secretary Mario Delgado Carrillo, have also faced scrutiny for their spending and travel, even as Sheinbaum reiterated, “Power is humility, and that must be demonstrated in every action we take.” Political analyst Vanessa Romero Rocha told The New York Times that the controversies have caused “irreparable damage” to Morena, even though the party doesn’t face midterm elections until 2027. For many voters, the party’s disconnect between rhetoric and reality has been jarring. As Enrique Rodríguez, a young voter from Mexico City, put it, “The party was supposed to be trying to make a change.”
Sheinbaum has responded by proposing reforms to eliminate proportional representation seats in both legislative chambers and introducing an initiative to restrict nepotism in public appointments, set to take effect in 2030. These moves are seen as efforts to address internal corruption and power imbalances, though some argue they don’t go far enough to dismantle entrenched networks.
Economically, Sheinbaum has managed to maintain stability. Inflation is at 3.5%, within the Bank of Mexico’s projections, and the International Monetary Fund forecasts 1% GDP growth for 2025. The minimum wage has risen by 135% in real terms, and poverty has decreased considerably since the AMLO era. Yet challenges loom large: public debt now stands at 60.7% of GDP, and Pemex, the state oil company, is burdened with debts nearing US $100 billion, with exploration activities down by 43%. Everyday Mexicans feel the squeeze, with the average household grocery bill doubling from 1,500 to 3,000 pesos.
Sheinbaum’s presidency also marks a turning point for women in Mexican politics. Her calm, deliberate demeanor and avoidance of what her critics call “marianismo” (a paternalistic style of female leadership) have made her a role model for many. Symbolic acts, such as wearing purple or quietly observing national celebrations, have resonated deeply in a country struggling with high rates of femicide and violence against women. While it’s too early to tell if her presence will spur transformative cultural change, her example is undeniably powerful.
In sum, Claudia Sheinbaum’s first year in office has been a study in contrasts: high approval ratings amid rising public anxiety, economic stability shadowed by debt and inequality, and bold reforms tempered by persistent scandals. As Mexico looks ahead, the coming years will test whether Sheinbaum’s leadership can deliver on the promise of real, lasting change—or whether old patterns will reassert themselves. For now, the nation watches, hopeful but wary, as history continues to unfold.
