For the first time in three decades, the United States did not send an official delegation to the United Nations’ annual climate summit, COP30, held in Belem, Brazil, from November 10 to 21, 2025. This unprecedented absence left a conspicuous gap on the world stage, one that China swiftly moved to fill – both in the conference halls and behind the scenes of climate diplomacy.
The U.S. government’s decision to skip COP30 marked a sharp break from tradition, as the country has played a central role at every Conference of the Parties (COP) since the inaugural event in 1995. According to ABC News, the White House confirmed, “The U.S. is not sending any high level representatives to COP30.” The administration cited a focus on energy partnerships through trade and peace deals as evidence of its ongoing engagement on energy issues. However, critics and allies alike saw the move as a retreat from global climate leadership.
Despite the federal government’s absence, the United States was far from invisible at COP30. A coalition of 100 local American leaders – including governors, mayors, and other state and city officials – traveled to Belem as part of the U.S. Climate Alliance. Their presence, though unofficial, was impossible to miss. California Governor Gavin Newsom, Wisconsin Governor Tony Evers, New Mexico Governor Michelle Lujan Grisham, former Vice President Al Gore, and mayors from Phoenix, Annapolis, and Savannah were among the notable U.S. figures at the event, as reported by ABC News.
Governor Newsom was quick to criticize President Trump’s absence, telling reporters on November 11, “While Donald Trump skips the world stage, California is showing up -- leading, partnering, and proving what American climate leadership looks like.” Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island echoed this sentiment, stating in a press conference, “The Trump administration simply does not represent the American public on climate issues.” Whitehouse, a ranking member of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, went further, accusing the administration of prioritizing the interests of “big fossil fuel donors who contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to Trump’s political campaign.”
The reasons for the federal absence were manifold. U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright, speaking to the Associated Press last week, dismissed COP30 as “essentially a hoax,” arguing, “It’s not an honest organization looking to better human lives.” Wright even suggested he might attend next year’s summit “just to try to deliver some common sense.” Complicating matters further, a record-breaking federal government shutdown, which only ended late on November 12, 2025, prevented federal lawmakers from traveling to Brazil for the summit.
While the U.S. retreated, China stepped forward with unmistakable confidence. According to Reuters, China’s country pavilion dominated the entrance hall of the sprawling COP30 conference grounds. Executives from the nation’s largest clean energy companies, including CATL – the world’s biggest battery maker and a supplier to Tesla, Ford, and Volkswagen – presented their visions for a green future to packed audiences. Meng Xiangfeng, CATL’s vice president, urged, “Let’s honor the legacy and fulfill the Paris vision guided by the vision of shared future. Let’s advance climate cooperation and build a clean, beautiful world together.”
China’s Vice Minister of Ecology, Li Gao, addressed a full house on November 13, highlighting how China’s leadership in renewable energy production “brings benefits to countries, particularly in the Global South.” The country’s electric auto giant, BYD, introduced a fleet of plug-in hybrid vehicles compatible with biofuel, manufactured at its plant in Bahia, Brazil, for use at COP30 – a tangible demonstration of China’s technological prowess and commitment to clean energy solutions.
Behind the scenes, China’s diplomats played a pivotal role in guiding negotiations and helping reach consensus on the COP30 agenda before formal talks even began. As one senior diplomat from an emerging economy told Reuters, “Little by little, China is acting as a guarantor of the climate regime. They invested a lot on the green economy. If there’s any kind of involution, they will lose.” COP30 President Andre Correa do Lago and CEO Ana de Toni both praised China’s leadership, with de Toni noting, “China has shown leadership not only by carrying out its own energy revolution, but with China’s scale capacity, we can now also buy low-carbon... at competitive prices.”
This shift in global climate leadership was not lost on American participants. Newsom, in a pointed critique, warned, “America is toast competitively, if we don’t wake up to what the hell they’re doing in this space, on supply chains, how they’re dominating manufacturing, how they’re flooding the zone.” The contrast was stark: where the U.S. once rallied governments toward agreement, China now filled that diplomatic void, blending assertive negotiation with pragmatic compromise.
Yet, not everyone was convinced that China’s leadership was unqualified. Sue Biniaz, a former U.S. deputy climate envoy and key architect of the Paris Agreement, told Reuters that while China was effective at uniting diverse interests, “If they had wanted to, they would have put in a more ambitious emission reduction target.” In September 2025, China announced it would cut emissions by at least 7% from their peak by 2035 – a move seen as significant, though perhaps not bold enough for some observers.
On the ground, the absence of official U.S. leadership was felt by both American and international attendees. Lynda Hopkins, supervisor of California’s 5th district, told ABC News it was important “to let other countries know that many Americans are still working to combat climate change.” Fred Krupp, president of the Environmental Defense Fund, added, “While the Trump administration retreats, the people and companies here are seizing the opportunity to innovate, create jobs, and build safer, healthier futures.”
Still, there were voices suggesting the summit could thrive without U.S. influence. Christiana Figueres, the Costa Rican diplomat central to the 2015 Paris Agreement, remarked, “I actually think it is a good thing,” referring to the U.S. boycott, noting that without the Americans, other countries could avoid “direct bullying.” She concluded with a pointed farewell to Trump’s climate policy: “Ciao, bambino.”
Thousands of climate protesters took to the streets of Belem on November 15, demanding bolder action from governments and venting frustration at the fossil fuel industry. Their message was clear: climate action cannot wait for political consensus in Washington or anywhere else.
As COP30 continues through November 21, the world is witnessing a dramatic shift in climate diplomacy. With the U.S. federal government absent, China’s rise is unmistakable – and the future of global climate leadership may never look quite the same.
