The 25th Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit, held in Tianjin, China from August 31 to September 1, 2025, marked a significant milestone for the Eurasian bloc and a defining moment for Chinese diplomacy. Over the course of two days, leaders from across Asia, Europe, and Africa converged to showcase the SCO’s expanding influence, strategic cohesion, and its ambitions to challenge the Western-dominated international order. The summit, hosted by the People's Republic of China (PRC), was not just a gathering of leaders, but a carefully orchestrated display of symbolic unity, diplomatic maneuvering, and bold new initiatives that could reshape the geopolitical landscape.
The SCO, which began in 1996 as the “Shanghai Five”—a consultative group comprised of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan—has grown into a sprawling multilateral organization. As reported by South China Morning Post, the bloc now unites 26 nations, including observer states like Mongolia and Afghanistan and 14 dialogue partners such as Sri Lanka, Turkey, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates. Myanmar and Turkey are among the countries seeking full membership, underlining the SCO’s broadening appeal across continents and its evolution from a security forum to a comprehensive platform for economic, diplomatic, and strategic cooperation.
According to The Soufan Center, the summit was a diplomatic coup for Beijing, with several wins that underscored China’s growing clout. The event was heavy with symbolism: images of Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi embracing, Modi and Putin sharing a ride, and Chinese President Xi Jinping joining them in animated discussion. These scenes were more than photo ops—they were a pointed message of unity against U.S. pressure and a declaration of intent to build a multipolar world order.
The joint declaration issued at the summit was explicit in its rebuke of Western policies. Member states stated their opposition to “unilateral coercive measures, including economic measures,” a clear reference to U.S. sanctions and tariffs. The declaration also “strongly condemns the military aggression launched by Israel and the United States against Iran in June 2025,” reflecting the bloc’s solidarity with Iran, a recent addition to the SCO’s ranks. President Xi, as quoted by SpecialEurasia, called for upholding “the common interests of the Global South,” denounced “hegemony and power politics,” and urged the practice of “multilateralism” to foster a “multipolar world.”
Russian President Putin, meanwhile, used the summit to advance the Kremlin’s narrative on the war in Ukraine and to tout the SCO as a viable alternative to Western-led organizations such as NATO and the European Union. The Tianjin Declaration, as highlighted by SpecialEurasia, positioned the SCO as “an indispensable actor in the management of Eurasian security, trade, and political dialogue,” underscoring the region’s rising centrality in global affairs.
One of the summit’s most notable developments was the thaw in China-India relations. Modi’s first visit to China in seven years resulted in a joint statement describing Beijing and New Delhi as “development partners,” and both sides discussed expanding trade and investment. The Tianjin Declaration even incorporated India’s civilizational concept “One Earth, One Family, One Future.” The bloc also collectively condemned the terrorist attack in Pahalgam earlier in 2025, which had reignited conflict between India and Pakistan. While this rapprochement is cautious—serious irritants, such as the China-India trade deficit and China’s support for Pakistan, remain unresolved—it signals a pragmatic shift in the region’s diplomatic dynamics, partly driven by U.S. efforts to draw India closer but inadvertently souring relations through economic policies.
Diplomatic advances extended beyond the major powers. On the summit’s sidelines, Armenia and Pakistan signed a Joint Communique establishing formal diplomatic relations—a significant breakthrough given Pakistan’s long-standing refusal to recognize Armenia. Armenia’s application for full SCO membership, submitted in July 2025, and this new relationship suggest the bloc may serve as a platform for regional reconciliation, facilitated by China’s growing influence.
China’s ambitions were further evident in President Xi’s proposals for institutional innovation within the SCO. He called for new financial instruments, including an SCO development bank, aimed at circumventing the U.S. dollar and sanctions. Xi also pushed for greater science and technology cooperation, offering SCO members access to China’s BeiDou satellite network, invitations to participate in China’s lunar research station, and the establishment of an artificial intelligence cooperation center. These initiatives are designed to deepen ties among member states and reduce dependence on Western technological and financial systems.
Yet, the summit did not gloss over the bloc’s internal contradictions. As The Soufan Center observed, despite the outward display of unity, serious geopolitical rivalries persist—most notably between India and Pakistan, as well as between India and China. Concerns over the planned mega-dam in Tibet, which could threaten India’s water security, and China’s continued support for Pakistan, remain major irritants. The SCO’s effectiveness is also limited by these competing priorities, and unlike the European Union, the bloc’s actions have often been more rhetorical than substantive. However, the rapid expansion of membership and dialogue partnerships, as well as the commitment to new joint economic and security initiatives, indicate a growing desire among regional powers to create a strategic counterweight to Western institutions.
According to SpecialEurasia, the summit took place amid heightened global turbulence, with the ongoing Ukraine conflict and a U.S.-brokered Armenia–Azerbaijan peace deal unsettling both Russia and Iran. The SCO’s reaffirmation of the principles of “sovereignty and territorial integrity” in its joint communiqué was an implicit critique of Western military coalitions and interventionist policies. The summit also witnessed pledges to intensify joint counterterrorism exercises and border coordination, particularly in response to instability risks emanating from Afghanistan.
India’s participation was marked by caution. While New Delhi recognizes the SCO’s strategic utility in balancing U.S. and Chinese influence, it remains wary of aligning too closely with either Beijing or Moscow. Modi’s attendance and the joint declarations indicate India’s pragmatic approach—engaging multilaterally without sacrificing its autonomy. As the summit concluded, observers were left to monitor several key indicators: the implementation of economic connectivity agreements, the integration of Iran within SCO frameworks, India’s level of involvement in future SCO military exercises, and the response of Western institutions to the bloc’s growing assertiveness.
Ultimately, the 25th SCO Summit in Tianjin signaled a turning point for the organization. Despite lingering internal contradictions and unresolved disputes, the summit established the SCO as a critical node in an emerging multipolar world order. As the bloc continues to grow in membership and ambition, its future actions will be closely watched—not just in Eurasia, but around the globe.
