Brazil’s democracy has been tested in dramatic fashion over the past year, with a series of high-profile convictions and revelations that have shocked the nation and reverberated far beyond its borders. On November 18, 2025, a panel of judges from Brazil’s Supreme Court handed down maximum prison sentences to high-ranking military officers and a federal police officer, finding them guilty of attempting a coup and conspiring to assassinate President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Vice President Geraldo Alckmin, and Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes. The verdicts, which followed months of intense investigation and courtroom drama, mark a watershed moment in the country’s ongoing struggle to protect its democratic institutions from subversion.
According to CNN, nine of the ten defendants—comprised of military officers and one federal police member—were convicted unanimously by a four-judge panel. The remaining defendant, a retired general, was acquitted due to insufficient evidence. Seven of the convicted were found guilty of the most serious charges: attempting to destroy the democratic order, attempting a coup, participating in an armed criminal organization, causing substantial harm, and destroying cultural heritage sites. Two others were convicted of lesser offenses, including criminal association and public incitement of hostility between the armed forces and constitutional authorities. Sentences ranged from one year and eleven months to the maximum of 24 years, with four individuals receiving more than two decades behind bars.
These convictions come on the heels of an earlier, even more sensational verdict. In September 2025, the Supreme Court sentenced former President Jair Bolsonaro to 27 years and three months in prison for leading what prosecutors described as a criminal organization intent on overturning Lula’s 2022 election victory. The conspiracy, dubbed the “Green and Yellow Dagger” after the colors of Brazil’s flag, included plotting to assassinate Lula before his inauguration. Bolsonaro, who has been under house arrest since August, maintains his innocence. His most recent appeal was rejected, but another is expected to be filed soon, as noted by PTI and CNN.
Prosecutor-General Paulo Gonet revealed that a federal police officer had infiltrated the security detail of the then president-elect, enabling the group’s violent plans to move forward. However, the plot ultimately failed to come to fruition. As Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who oversaw the sprawling coup case, explained, “The plan didn’t advance due to the Army commander’s lack of support.” This critical lack of military backing proved decisive in preventing a catastrophe that could have plunged Brazil into chaos.
The scope of the conspiracy was chilling. According to evidence seized by authorities, the group’s plans went well beyond mere political protest. As Justice Flávio Dino declared during sentencing, “Brazil, once again, due to the irresponsibility and lack of patriotism of some, flirted with and almost fell into a chasm of institutional darkness.” He continued, “It wasn’t just a walk in the park. It was a coup that was going to arrest and kill people, revoke the constitution, citizenship, and the free press. And these are not conjectures: it was written in the planning seized from these various public agents.” These words, reported by both PTI and CNN, underscore the gravity of the threat Brazil faced.
Among those targeted for assassination were not only President Lula but also Vice President Alckmin and Supreme Court Justice de Moraes himself. The plot’s breadth and audacity stunned many both inside and outside Brazil. Other members of the ten-person group received shorter sentences starting at one year and eleven months, reflecting their varying degrees of involvement.
For now, those convicted will only begin serving their sentences after all possible appeals are exhausted—a process that could stretch on for months or even years. Bolsonaro, for his part, remains under house arrest as legal maneuvers continue. The former president’s supporters have decried the proceedings as politically motivated, while others argue the trials are essential for safeguarding Brazil’s fragile democracy.
The international ramifications of these events have been significant. Bolsonaro’s trial attracted global headlines, not least because of the response from the United States. U.S. President Donald Trump, a longtime ally of Bolsonaro, announced a 50 percent tariff on Brazilian imports, calling the case against Bolsonaro a “witch hunt.” This move, reported by CNN and PTI, led to what experts described as the lowest point in over 200 years of U.S.-Brazil relations. The diplomatic chill was palpable, with both countries’ leaders trading barbs and economic penalties in a high-stakes standoff.
Yet there are signs of thawing. Relations began to improve after Lula and Trump spoke by phone and later met in Malaysia at the ASEAN summit in late October 2025. While the details of their conversation remain private, sources suggest that both leaders expressed a desire to move past recent tensions and restore a measure of cooperation. The meeting, which took place against the backdrop of ongoing global instability, was closely watched by diplomats and analysts alike.
Within Brazil, the trials have reignited old wounds and forced a reckoning with the country’s history of military intervention in politics. Justice Flávio Dino’s reference to the “chasm of institutional darkness” alluded to Brazil’s military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985—a period marked by repression, censorship, and human rights abuses. Many Brazilians, especially those who lived through that era, watched the proceedings with a mix of anxiety and relief, grateful that the latest threat to democracy was averted without bloodshed.
Others, however, remain wary. Some of Bolsonaro’s supporters argue that the Supreme Court overstepped its authority and that the sentences handed down were disproportionate. They contend that political polarization, not justice, is driving the current wave of prosecutions. “This was not just a walk in the park. This was a coup that aimed to arrest and kill people, overthrow the Constitution, citizenship, and freedom of the press. And this is not conjecture: it was laid out in the planning, taken from these various public actors,” said one justice, echoing the sentiment that the threat was all too real.
The question now is whether Brazil can heal and move forward. The country’s institutions have demonstrated resilience in the face of grave danger, but the scars of recent events linger. As appeals wind their way through the courts and the political climate remains tense, Brazilians are left to ponder what might have been—and what must be done to ensure their democracy endures.
For now, the courts have spoken, and those found guilty of plotting against Brazil’s constitutional order await their fate. The world watches, aware that the lessons learned here may echo in other democracies facing their own tests of resolve.
