On November 21, 2025, the usually bustling Jantar Mantar in New Delhi became the stage for a determined and peaceful protest as representatives from Assam’s Bodoland Territorial Region (BTR) and allied organizations gathered to demand the overdue implementation of the 2020 Bodo Peace Accord. The three-hour sit-in, led by the All Bodo Students Union (ABSU), United Boro People Organisation (UBPO), and the Ex-NDFB Welfare Association (ENWA), was more than just a display of banners and slogans—it was a call for action on promises that, five years after the historic agreement, remain frustratingly unfulfilled.
The demonstration formed the centerpiece of a two-day “national movement” that began with a conclave on November 20 at the Constitution Club of India. There, representatives from ten Sixth Schedule councils across the Northeast convened to discuss the persistent delays and the path forward. According to Living Media India Limited, this gathering underscored the broad coalition behind the movement and the depth of the frustration felt by the region’s communities.
At the heart of the protest is the demand for Parliament to finally pass the 125th Constitution Amendment Bill, 2019. This bill, which has languished for six years, is designed to strengthen the financial autonomy and administrative powers of the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) and nine other autonomous councils in Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, and Mizoram. As ABSU president Dipen Boro put it, “The Bodo Accord of 2020 brought a new dawn of peace and stability to the Bodoland region, but peace must be backed by action. We waited for five years with patience and faith, but several key clauses of the Accord remain untouched.”
The context for these demands is both historical and deeply personal. As former BTC chief and Bodo Accord signatory Pramod Boro recalled during the seminar, the struggle for Bodo rights and autonomy has spanned four decades and cost “close to five thousand innocent lives.” For many, the 2020 Accord was meant to be the culmination of these sacrifices—a solemn commitment by the government to address longstanding grievances and enable a new era of self-governance and development.
Yet, as the protestors emphasized, more than a dozen tripartite review meetings have been held with the Union Home Ministry, and several rounds of talks have taken place with the Union Home Minister himself, but “months after months and session after session” continue to pass without substantial progress. The groups made it clear that their patience is wearing thin. “If the commitments made by the Centre are not fulfilled on time, the very credibility of the Accord comes into question,” Dipen Boro noted. Another speaker echoed this sentiment, stating, “Peace has prevailed, but if the accord is not implemented in time, the legitimacy of the accord comes into question.”
The organizations’ list of demands is both comprehensive and precise. Chief among them is the immediate passage of the 125th Amendment Bill to revise Article 280 and the Sixth Schedule, which would enhance the financial powers of the BTC and ensure direct central funding. They also called for the expansion of BTC constituencies to 60 seats without reducing existing tribal reservations, the transfer of additional subjects promised under Annexure-I of the accord to strengthen legislative and executive authority, and the creation of Village and Municipal Councils in the BTR with constitutional backing.
Other demands include granting ST (Hill) status for Bodo-Kachari people in Karbi Anglong and Dima Hasao, full-fledged status for the Boro Kachari Welfare Autonomous Council, and the completion of village notifications and elections. The organizations are also pushing for the provincialisation of schools and colleges in the BTR and Bodo-medium institutions outside it, settlement of land rights under the Forest Rights Act for tribal communities in several districts, and the withdrawal of pending cases against former NDFB members, along with the release of those still imprisoned and ex-gratia for families of those killed.
Infrastructure development is another major pillar of the movement’s agenda. The groups are seeking the establishment of a central university named after Upendra Nath Brahma, a regional campus of Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, medical and technical institutes, national-level sports facilities, Navodaya Vidyalayas, and a highway named after Banasur. These commitments, they argue, are essential for the holistic development of the region and the fulfillment of the Accord’s spirit.
Despite the urgency and breadth of their demands, the protestors were careful to emphasize the peaceful and non-confrontational nature of their demonstration. “Commitment made by the Government of India during the Bodo Accord, 2020, should be materialised. Bodo people’s aspiration must be taken as priority,” ABSU leaders declared, according to Living Media India Limited. The rally concluded with signatures from the heads and general secretaries of ABSU, UBPO, and ENWA, signaling a unified front and a renewed push for action.
Looking ahead, the organizations have announced a mass gathering in Kokrajhar in December 2025, expected to draw nearly two lakh participants. This event is intended to further intensify pressure on the government and keep the spotlight on the region’s demands. The message is clear: the Bodo community and its allies are not prepared to let the momentum fade or allow the promises of the Accord to become empty words.
For those less familiar with the intricacies of India’s constitutional arrangements, the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution provides for the administration of tribal areas in the Northeast through autonomous councils. These bodies are intended to give local communities a greater say in governance and resource allocation. However, as the protestors pointed out, the lack of financial autonomy and direct central funding has hampered their effectiveness. The proposed 125th Amendment Bill seeks to address these issues by revising Article 280 (which governs financial transfers from the central government) and strengthening the powers of the councils.
Assam, Meghalaya, and Mizoram each have three Sixth Schedule councils, while Tripura has one. The fate of the 125th Amendment Bill, therefore, has implications not just for the Bodos but for tribal communities across the Northeast. Amendments to Article 280 and the Sixth Schedule determine funding, powers, village governance, and institutional strength across Bodoland and other Sixth Schedule regions. The protest at Jantar Mantar was, in this sense, both a local and a national issue—one that speaks to the challenges of federalism, minority rights, and the fulfillment of political promises in contemporary India.
As the winter session of Parliament approaches, all eyes are now on the government. Will it seize the opportunity to honor the commitments of the 2020 Accord and give new momentum to the cause of tribal autonomy in the Northeast? Or will another session pass with the hopes and aspirations of thousands left hanging? For the Bodo groups and their supporters, the answer to that question will determine not just the future of the Accord but the credibility of the government’s word itself.
With signatures collected, voices raised, and plans for even larger gatherings underway, the Bodo movement is making it clear: this is a promise they intend to see kept, one way or another.
