Across two continents, the challenges and frustrations of young people are reshaping political landscapes in ways few could have predicted even a decade ago. In Nepal, a groundswell of Gen Z activism has upended traditional party politics ahead of the pivotal March 5, 2026, House of Representatives election. Meanwhile, in the United Kingdom, nearly a million young people find themselves out of work, education, or training, fueling a surge in support for parties promising to shake up the status quo. From Kathmandu to London, youth disillusionment—and the political recalibration it demands—has become impossible to ignore.
In Nepal, the echoes of massive Gen Z protests that swept the nation in September 2025 are still reverberating through every corner of the political establishment. According to Republica, these demonstrations were not a flash in the pan but a clarion call demanding honest leadership, competent governance, and a break from the old guard. The country’s major parties have scrambled to respond, realigning, merging, and forging new alliances in a bid to remain relevant to a generation that has made clear its impatience with corruption and stagnation.
Some of Nepal’s most seasoned political figures have taken bold steps. Dr Baburam Bhattarai and Janardan Sharma, for example, have launched the Progressive Democratic Party, while Madhav Nepal and Pushpa Kamal Dahal have reunited their factions to revive the Nepal Communist Party. On the other hand, established heavyweights like the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML are opting to contest the polls independently, even as they grapple with internal power struggles. The Nepali Congress faces a tug-of-war between its establishment and rival factions over leadership and its upcoming general convention. The CPN-UML, for its part, is bracing for a dramatic showdown at its 11th General Convention, set for December 13–15, 2025, where KP Sharma Oli’s leadership will be fiercely contested by Ishwar Pokharel, who is expected to have the backing of former President Bidya Devi Bhandari.
But the ferment isn’t limited to the old parties. New and alternative forces are gaining traction, inspired by the September protests and the sense that traditional leaders have failed to deliver. The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has absorbed Bibeksheel Sajha in a bid to strengthen its standing, though whether this merger will be enough to challenge the larger parties remains uncertain. Other emergent groups like Kulman Ghising’s Ujyalo Nepal—now led by Anup Kumar Upadhyay—and CK Raut’s Janamat Party are also trying to carve out their own spaces in the crowded political field. Even so, the lesson of past movements looms large: unity and the ability to deliver on promises are essential for survival.
Royalist factions, meanwhile, remain divided. Groups like Rajendra Lingden’s RPP, Kamal Thapa’s RPP-Nepal, Durga Prasai’s Nagarik Bachau Campaign, and the Gen Z Alliance for Monarchy all advocate for the restoration of the monarchy and a Hindu state. However, old grudges and power struggles have stymied efforts to unite, weakening their position ahead of the March election. As Republica notes, unless these leaders can set aside personal ambitions, their influence will continue to wane.
What’s crystal clear is that Nepal’s youth are demanding more than token gestures. The September protests, marked by frustration over rampant corruption, poor leadership, and outdated political structures, have set the stage for a new era. Many voters believe it’s time to give Gen Z leaders a real shot at shaping the country’s future in line with the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century. Whether Nepal’s political class can rise to meet this moment remains to be seen, but the pressure is mounting.
Across the globe in the United Kingdom, a different but related crisis is unfolding. According to BBC News, as of December 7, 2025, around one million young people aged 16-24 are not working, studying, or in training—a group commonly referred to as NEETs. Between July and September of this year alone, 946,000 young people fell into this category, representing more than one in ten of all 16-24-year-olds. The numbers are even starker for young men, with the North East and East of England particularly hard hit. More than half of these young people have a health condition, and about one in five struggles with mental health issues.
The roots of this crisis are complex and deep. Economic insecurity, the soaring cost of education, a stagnant economy, and the lingering effects of the pandemic have all played a part. The labour market is sluggish, and changes to tax and minimum wage laws have made it costlier for businesses to hire young workers. The rise in zero-hours contracts—young people are nearly six times more likely to be on such contracts than older workers—has only added to the sense of instability and precarity.
Political consequences are already being felt. Recent polling by More in Common, cited by the BBC, shows that Labour remains the preferred party among young voters, but parties promising radical change—like the Greens and Reform—are gaining ground, especially among under-30s and young men without degrees. Zack Polanski’s Greens are now the most popular among young women, while Nigel Farage’s Reform Party is leading among young men without higher education. Luke Tryl from More in Common summed up the mood: “It’s little wonder these young people are giving up on mainstream politics, and instead turning to parties that promise to burn it all down and start again like Reform and the Greens.” He warns that mainstream parties would be naive to assume these voters will simply return as they age.
The UK government is under mounting pressure to respond. Work and Pensions Secretary Pat McFadden is expected to outline new measures, including the Youth Guarantee, which will offer paid work to young people who have been unemployed or out of education for 18 months. Former minister Alan Milburn is leading a comprehensive review of youth unemployment, with results due in 2026. But some within government worry that these efforts may not go far enough. As one minister put it to the BBC, “We don’t look like we are interested in ripping up the system that doesn’t work for young people.”
The situation is further complicated by the complexities of the welfare system and the increase in mental health challenges among young people. There’s growing debate about whether the benefits system creates perverse incentives not to seek work, and whether mental health issues are being over-diagnosed. Health Secretary Wes Streeting, who previously suggested over-diagnosis, has since called for a formal review of the evidence, acknowledging the ballooning number of young people citing health as a barrier to employment.
Trying to improve the prospects for young people is only one part of bridging the widening gap between generations. The cost of housing, childcare, and student debt, combined with the insecurity of modern work, have left many young voters feeling alienated and unheard. As one youth charity boss told the BBC, “It’s like a guilty secret, the country knows that young people are getting a raw deal but nobody is doing anything about it.”
Whether in Nepal or the UK, the message from young people is unmistakable: they want meaningful change, not just promises. For politicians on both sides of the world, the stakes could hardly be higher. The next election cycles will reveal whether established parties can adapt to this new reality—or whether a new generation will seize the reins and chart a different course.
