Venezuelan Defector Accuses Maduro Amid US Tensions

On December 6, 2025, a dramatic new chapter unfolded in the long-running saga between the United States and Venezuela, as Hugo Carvajal Barrios—the former head of Venezuela’s military intelligence, widely known by his nickname "El Pollo"—made explosive allegations against the government of Nicolás Maduro. In a letter directed to former President Donald Trump and obtained by The Dallas Express, Carvajal described Venezuela as a "narco-terrorist organization" and accused the Maduro regime of collaborating with a shadowy network of foreign armed groups to target the U.S. These claims, coming from a man who once stood at the heart of Venezuela’s intelligence apparatus and is now imprisoned in the U.S. after pleading guilty in a federal narco-terrorism case, have sent ripples through diplomatic and intelligence circles.

According to Carvajal’s letter, the strategy to move cocaine into the United States was not a recent development but one engineered in the mid-2000s under Hugo Chávez, with guidance from Cuban intelligence. "I write to atone by telling the full truth so that the United States can protect itself from the dangers I witnessed for so many years," Carvajal stated, emphasizing that he believed Trump’s hardline policies toward Venezuela were "absolutely necessary for the national security of the United States." The letter, submitted to The Dallas Express by Carvajal’s attorney, outlines a complex web of alliances involving notorious groups such as FARC, ELN, Cuban operatives, and Hezbollah. Carvajal claimed Venezuelan authorities furnished these groups with "weapons, passports, and impunity" to operate from Venezuelan soil.

The former general also shed light on the involvement of criminal organizations like Tren de Aragua, which he said were recruited from prisons to shield the government in exchange for immunity. Over time, these groups expanded their reach abroad, carrying out kidnappings and extortion in the U.S.—actions Carvajal described as "acts ordered by the regime." He did not stop there. Carvajal further alleged that Russian intelligence had proposed tapping submarine internet cables linking South America and the United States, and that both Venezuelan and Cuban operatives had infiltrated American institutions for decades. Perhaps most provocatively, he claimed that some U.S. officials had been "paid to assist Chávez and Maduro in remaining in power."

Carvajal’s warnings were stark: "The government in Caracas is not merely hostile—it is at war with you," he wrote, offering to provide further details to U.S. authorities. Yet, as The Dallas Express noted, these assertions have not been independently verified, and Maduro has consistently denied any links between his government and drug-trafficking networks.

Carvajal’s letter arrived at a moment when tensions between Washington and Caracas were already running high. In recent months, the United States has orchestrated a significant military buildup in the Caribbean, including airstrikes on boats that have killed more than 80 people and a broad deployment of forces off the coast of South America. The U.S. State Department insists that these actions are part of a campaign against drug trafficking. However, Maduro has his own theory—one that is echoed by some of his regional allies and critics of the U.S. government. He claims the real motive behind the military escalation is oil, pointing out that Venezuela boasts the largest proven reserves in the world.

This claim is not without controversy. Colombia’s president, Gustavo Petro, who has become embroiled in an increasingly bitter feud with Trump, described the U.S. campaign against Caracas as "a negotiation about oil," suggesting that Trump "is not thinking about democratizing Venezuela, much less about drug trafficking." According to The Guardian, critics argue that airstrikes on small boats are unlikely to significantly impact the flow of drugs into the United States, most of which still enter through Mexico. This has led some to question the true intent behind the U.S. military presence.

Yet, analysts caution against oversimplifying the situation. Francisco J Monaldi, director of the Latin America Energy Program at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, told The Guardian, "I think oil may be one of the motivations [of the military buildup], but not the main one. It’s just part of the picture." Despite Venezuela holding almost a fifth of all known global oil reserves, the country currently produces less than 1% of the world’s oil, most of it "heavy sour" crude that is more difficult and expensive to extract. Years of corruption, mismanagement, and underinvestment have left the sector in tatters. Monaldi estimates that raising output from the current level of just under one million barrels a day to four or five million would require around $100 billion in investment and at least a decade of work.

The structure of Venezuela’s oil sector further complicates matters. After Hugo Chávez consolidated government control of Petróleos de Venezuela Sociedad Anónima (PDVSA) in the early 2000s—dismissing large numbers of workers and mandating majority state ownership—production declined sharply. U.S. sanctions imposed during Trump’s first term banned imports of Venezuelan oil, exacerbating the industry’s woes. Although President Joe Biden later eased some restrictions in hopes of encouraging a democratic transition, Trump reinstated the sanctions following last year’s widely disputed elections, which many believe were stolen by Maduro.

Even amid sanctions, U.S. oil giant Chevron continued operations in Venezuela, albeit at much-reduced levels. Trump revoked Chevron’s license, only to reverse course in July 2025, allowing the company to import between 150,000 and 160,000 barrels per day to the U.S. under new financial arrangements. Currently, PDVSA holds about 50% of operations, Chevron 25%, joint ventures led by China and Russia 10% each, and European companies 5%.

José Ignacio Hernández, a legal scholar and Venezuela oil industry expert, told The Guardian, "I believe the main beneficiary of a political change in Venezuela would be Chevron." However, Hernández also dismissed the notion that oil is the driving force behind U.S. actions, noting, "The oil sector in Venezuela is destroyed … It’s not an attractive market in the short term, especially for a country like the U.S., which already has the world’s largest production." He pointed out that Maduro had reportedly offered to open up all oil and gold projects to U.S. companies during talks with American officials. "If Trump wanted to strike a monopoly deal over Venezuela’s oil, he would have accepted Maduro’s offer," Hernández said.

Monaldi echoed this sentiment, emphasizing that even if a U.S.-backed regime took power in Venezuela, investment decisions would ultimately depend on the companies themselves, weighing political and economic stability above all. "Venezuela has massive resources, a lot of infrastructure and fields that are already developed; one would not go there and explore from scratch," he said. "But, at the same time, there are tons of potential obstacles: the political risks, the country’s history, the fact that the oil is less valuable. So the obstacles are mostly above ground."

As allegations, denials, and conflicting motives swirl, one thing remains clear: the U.S.-Venezuela relationship is as fraught and complex as ever. With Carvajal’s revelations adding fuel to the fire and the stakes for both countries higher than ever, the world will be watching closely to see what comes next.