For decades, American and Chinese scholars have worked side by side, pushing the boundaries of science and technology through open research. Their collaborations, once celebrated as engines of innovation, have produced thousands of academic papers and led to breakthroughs in fields ranging from physics to artificial intelligence. But as the geopolitical winds shift, that spirit of openness is now under intense scrutiny in Washington, D.C.—and the stakes couldn’t be higher.
American lawmakers are increasingly sounding the alarm that China, now seen as the United States’ most formidable military and economic rival, is exploiting these academic partnerships to bolster its own military capabilities. According to reports from Strider Technologies, a private intelligence firm, more than 500 U.S. universities have engaged in collaborative projects with Chinese researchers linked to the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and other military-affiliated institutions. In 2024 alone, these partnerships yielded nearly 2,500 publications on advanced technologies with clear military applications, including anti-jamming communications and hypersonic vehicles.
Senator Tom Cotton, an Arkansas Republican and chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, has become one of the most vocal critics of these collaborations. “For far too long, our adversaries have exploited American colleges and universities to advance their interests, while risking our national security and innovation,” Cotton declared, as reported by Pantagraph. In response, he has introduced legislation to restrict federally funded research collaborations with Chinese institutions tied to the military, as well as with other countries considered adversarial to U.S. interests.
The House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party has made safeguarding American research a top priority. The committee’s September 2025 reports accused Beijing of weaponizing open research, turning it into a “pipeline of foreign talent and military modernization.” Their findings highlighted Pentagon-supported research involving Chinese military-linked scholars, joint U.S.-China institutes focused on science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) talent, and visa policies that have allowed military-linked Chinese students to enter American Ph.D. programs.
The committee’s recommendations were sweeping: enact stricter legislation, tighten visa controls for Chinese students and scholars, and end academic partnerships that could be exploited to enhance China’s military might. “Foreign adversaries are increasingly exploiting the open and collaborative environment of U.S. academic institutions for their own gain,” warned James Cangialosi, director of the National Counterintelligence and Security Center, in a bulletin urging universities to do more to protect research from foreign interference.
This shifting landscape threatens to unravel academic ties between the world’s two largest economies—ties that have flourished for more than two generations. The relationship, once built on engagement and mutual benefit, has veered toward competition and, at times, outright hostility. As tariffs and trade barriers rise, the academic world finds itself caught in the crossfire.
According to Strider Technologies, the number of joint U.S.-China military-affiliated STEM publications peaked at more than 3,500 in 2019 before some new restrictions kicked in. Despite these efforts, the level of cooperation remains high, raising concerns about “potential illicit knowledge transfer” and supporting China’s “state-directed efforts to recruit top international talent, often to the detriment of U.S. national interests.”
U.S. officials and intelligence agencies are adamant: foreign adversaries—China in particular—are exploiting American research in a variety of ways. They allege theft of intellectual property, poaching of talented researchers, and even recruitment of students and scholars as potential spies. The Department of Homeland Security’s latest threat assessment underscores these fears, noting that adversaries seek to illicitly acquire U.S. military and computing technologies, as well as the latest commercial innovations.
“Stealing the fruits of that labor can be as easy as hacking into a university network, hiring away researchers, or coopting the research itself,” authorities told Pantagraph. With robust academic research requiring significant funding and long-term support, the temptation for adversaries to shortcut the process is clear. The reality, as tech entrepreneur Arnie Bellini put it, is that “our digital borders are under siege—and businesses of every size are right to be concerned.”
Bellini, who recently donated $40 million to establish a new cybersecurity and AI research college at the University of South Florida, cautioned that efforts to protect U.S. research must be balanced. “It’s imperative to encourage research and development without giving secrets away to America’s enemies,” he said, emphasizing the need for substantial investments in cybersecurity to safeguard innovation without stifling information sharing among U.S. colleges and startups.
Not everyone in academia agrees with the push for sweeping restrictions. Abigail Coplin, an assistant professor at Vassar College specializing in science, technology, and society, pointed out that existing regulations already provide guardrails for federally funded research involving classified or sensitive information. “American national security interests and economic competitiveness would be better served by continuing—if not increasing—research funding than they are by implementing costly research restrictions,” Coplin argued. She warned that overly broad restrictions could drive away top talent, undermining the very innovation the U.S. seeks to protect.
There’s also a human side to the debate: the risk of stoking xenophobia and unfairly targeting Asian American scholars. According to Department of Justice figures, about 80% of all economic espionage cases prosecuted in the U.S. involve alleged acts that would benefit China. Some members of Congress have called for the revival of the Department of Justice’s “China Initiative,” launched during the Trump administration to combat Chinese intellectual espionage. However, the program was discontinued in 2022 after critics argued it failed to address the problem and instead perpetuated harmful stereotypes about Asian Americans in academia.
As the U.S. grapples with how to protect its technological edge without sacrificing its tradition of open inquiry, the tension between collaboration and security remains unresolved. Industry leaders, policymakers, and scholars are all searching for the right balance—one that keeps American research vibrant and competitive, while shielding it from those who would use it to undermine national interests.
There’s no easy answer. But as of October 2025, the debate is as heated as ever, and the future of U.S.-China academic collaboration hangs in the balance.