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US China Chip War Intensifies Amid Policy Shifts

Trump’s reversal on export controls and renewed domestic incentives reshape the global semiconductor race as China pushes ahead with its own ambitious strategy.

The global race for technological dominance has reached a fever pitch, with semiconductors and artificial intelligence (AI) at the heart of the rivalry between the United States and China. As of August 21, 2025, this competition is shaping the future of geopolitics, economics, and innovation, with both nations doubling down on strategies that could redefine the world order for decades to come.

According to the Observer Research Foundation, the semiconductor industry is now the world’s second most profitable sector, and it has become a focal point in the strategic contest between Washington and Beijing. Over the past decade, the United States has steadily increased its domestic chip production while expanding export restrictions on advanced semiconductors—moves that signal a bipartisan consensus on the critical role chips play in national security.

Yet, the past year has seen a dramatic shift in U.S. policy. Under the Trump administration, the approach to semiconductor competition with China has diverged from the multilateralism of the Biden era. Trump’s passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill (OBBB) extended the CHIPS Act’s advanced manufacturing tax credit from 25% to 35% and removed per-project caps for semiconductor ventures. This sweeping legislation incentivized giants like Intel, Nvidia, Micron, and Taiwan’s PSMC to ramp up domestic fabrication, a move framed as essential for economic security—even as it came at the expense of social programs such as Medicaid, food stamps, and student loans, and contributed to a projected federal deficit increase from $2.8 trillion to $3.3 trillion.

But the Trump administration’s actions haven’t stopped at domestic incentives. In 2022, the U.S. banned Nvidia from exporting its cutting-edge A100 and H100 chips to China, citing national security concerns. Nvidia responded by developing downgraded versions—the A800 and H80 chips—specifically for the Chinese market. When those, too, were restricted, Nvidia introduced the H20 chip. In April 2025, Trump expanded export controls further, requiring special licenses to distribute the H20 chip to China.

The CEO of Nvidia warned that these restrictions could cost U.S. businesses $15.5 billion in lost revenue and argued they would ultimately hurt American firms more than their Chinese counterparts. After months of intense lobbying from the semiconductor industry, the administration reversed course and, as of August 2025, granted new export licenses for Nvidia to sell chips to China. While industry leaders welcomed the move, national security analysts voiced concern that such reversals could undermine long-term efforts to maintain America’s lead in AI and semiconductor technology.

Meanwhile, the Biden administration’s earlier policies set much of the foundation for today’s chip war. The 2022 CHIPS and Science Act committed $75 billion to domestic semiconductor subsidies and research and development. This spurred major players—Micron, Intel, TSMC, Texas Instruments, and Samsung—to announce new fabrication plants, all slated for completion between 2024 and 2026.

On the other side of the Pacific, China has been no less ambitious. Since 2015, President Xi Jinping has championed the “Made in China 2025” initiative, aiming to boost domestic semiconductor production from 10% to 70% by 2025, and later revising the target to 75% by 2030. China has poured more than $150 billion into its chip industry, a sum unmatched by any other country at the time. Companies like Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation (SMIC) have launched new fabs targeting mature processing units (28 nanometers and above), with plans for more after 2025. Changxin Memory Technologies (CxMT) has also expanded, operating two DRAM fabs and building a third in Shanghai.

However, China’s rapid expansion has not been without setbacks. “Zombie fabs”—chip factories that failed due to mismanagement and over-reliance on government funding—have cost investors between $50 and $100 billion. Yet, progress has been notable. In 2023, SMIC surprised the industry by producing 7-nanometer chips, a feat many experts thought was years away, despite lacking access to extreme ultraviolet (EUV) lithography machines.

To counter U.S. sanctions, China has imposed its own restrictions. It banned Micron chips in critical infrastructure and restricted exports on 38 items, including gallium and germanium—key metals in chipmaking. China also controls about 80% of the world’s rare earth refining capacity and has signaled intentions to further restrict access to these strategic resources. According to the Observer Research Foundation, these moves are designed to shore up China’s position in the global supply chain and respond to Western pressure.

Supply chains have become a critical battleground. Under President Biden, the U.S. built the Chip 4 Alliance with Japan, the Netherlands, Korea, and Taiwan. Together, these countries control 82% of the world’s semiconductor market and nearly 99% of memory chip production—a formidable bloc that China cannot ignore. Regional partnerships, such as the Quad Semiconductor Supply Chains Contingency Network and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), have also been established to reduce risks and eliminate trade bottlenecks.

Yet, Trump’s approach marks a departure from this collaborative model. His administration’s focus on tough onshoring—prioritizing domestic production even at the expense of traditional alliances—has put pressure on U.S. partners. Proposals to impose 30% tariffs, even on allied countries, have introduced new instability and risk into the global chip supply chain, complicating America’s overall strategy toward China.

Europe and Southeast Asia have become key theaters in this contest. The Netherlands, home to ASML, specializes in EUV technologies, while Southeast Asia has seen a surge in investment. Intel invested $7 billion in Penang, Malaysia in 2024, and Thailand saw a 35% jump in semiconductor investment applications. Some countries, like Malaysia, have adopted a neutral stance, enabling Chinese firms such as StarFive to establish R&D centers and launch joint labs focused on AI and new materials research.

China, for its part, has expanded its Digital Silk Road initiative, forming R&D agreements with countries like Brazil and investing in Africa’s infrastructure—moves driven by the need for rare earth minerals critical to chip manufacturing. In Russia, despite official halts following the Ukraine war, Huawei supplied nearly 47% of Russia’s chipmaking equipment by 2023, filling gaps left by departing Western firms.

Nevertheless, China remains vulnerable to foreign export controls. Most high-end chips still come from Taiwanese and South Korean companies. In mid-2025, the U.S. considered revoking authorizations that allowed TSMC and Samsung to supply their Chinese facilities with U.S. technology, underscoring the fragility of China’s access to advanced chip technology. China has reportedly resorted to purchasing chips through third-party markets or shell companies in places like the United Arab Emirates, complicating enforcement of export bans.

While the U.S. leads in chip design and AI models, as noted by Woody Preucil of 13D Research and Strategy, China is pursuing a multi-pronged approach. Its focus extends beyond chips to digital infrastructure, 5G deployment, and electricity production—elements seen as vital to its long-term AI ambitions.

Ultimately, the U.S.-China rivalry in semiconductors and AI is not just about technology, but about shaping the rules and balance of global power in the 21st century. The next moves by Washington and Beijing will have profound consequences, not just for their own citizens, but for the entire world.

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