On September 19, 2025, a new chapter opened in the long and difficult journey to address the legacy of the Northern Ireland Troubles, as the governments of the United Kingdom and Ireland unveiled a framework meant to heal old wounds and restore trust—though whether the plan will deliver the truth and reconciliation so many seek remains uncertain.
The new deal, announced at Hillsborough Castle by Irish deputy prime minister Simon Harris and Northern Ireland Secretary of State Hilary Benn, is the product of months of negotiation and, arguably, decades of frustration. According to BBC News, the agreement includes cross-border cooperation, a revamped Legacy Commission with independent oversight, and a dedicated legacy unit within An Garda Síochána, Ireland’s police force, set to be operational by the end of the year. It also establishes protections for veterans and promises a €25 million (£21 million) fund to support victim participation in legacy processes in Northern Ireland.
For many, this is an “honest attempt” at reconciliation and justice. Harris acknowledged that "trust is pretty shattered on all sides of the issue," but expressed hope that the framework would "win the confidence" of victims over time. "My hopes are that for once and for all we can have an infrastructure that can try to move forward probably the most difficult, painful and complex issue outstanding in terms of our peace process on this island," he told BBC News NI. He called it a "moment of imperfect opportunity," admitting, "We have peace but it can be a very frosty peace and I know... the level of pain that people feel."
Benn, for his part, was candid in admitting the failures of the past. The previous UK government’s Legacy Act, which included a controversial conditional amnesty, had been “flawed, undeliverable and widely opposed,” he said. “As secretary of state I have been determined to help those families, who lost loved ones in the Troubles, including relatives of the families of British service people who did not come home, to find the answers they have long been seeking.”
The new framework aims to address those shortcomings. The Legacy Commission, born out of the Independent Commission for Reconciliation and Information Recovery (ICRIR), will have two new directors for investigations and be under a statutory duty not to duplicate previous investigations unless there are compelling reasons. Inquests that had started before the current Legacy Act came into force in 2024 will be restored, while others will be reviewed to identify a way forward. The commission must also "take into account the health and wellbeing of potential witnesses at all times." Independent judges will preside over inquisitorial public hearings, and families will have legal representation.
In a nod to the cross-border nature of the conflict, a new Independent Commission on Information Retrieval will be established for two years to receive information on Troubles cases—though crucially, this information cannot be used in prosecutions. Ireland will set up a dedicated legacy unit within its police force and introduce legislation to facilitate full cooperation with the Legacy Commission once UK reforms are enacted. Both governments have pledged to bring forward “human rights compliant” legislation as part of the next steps.
But if the governments hoped for a warm reception, they were quickly reminded of the depth of pain and skepticism that persists. Victims’ families, campaigners, and politicians across the spectrum offered a mixed response, with many expressing doubt that the framework will deliver the independent investigations or transparency they crave.
Margaret McGuinness, whose father was killed by a plastic bullet in 1981, voiced what many feel: “Will we get our independent investigations? Will we be told the truth? I don’t think so. I hope I’m wrong.” She added, “Families ultimately just want to be told the truth and for people to be left in peace.” Shane Laverty, who lost his brother, an RUC officer, to the IRA in 1972, said he wanted “truth and honesty” from the process.
Jude Whyte, a campaigner whose mother was killed in a UVF bombing, reflected the sense of weariness and hope: “Politicians can’t get us out of this mire. The people who live in this part of the world have to make a decision… I want to leave something other than poison and hatred behind.” Emmett McConomy, whose 11-year-old brother Stephen was shot dead by a soldier in 1982, said he hoped the deal was “a step in the right direction” but warned, “Without proper buy-in from victims, this could sadly be doomed to fail.”
Advocates for victims and survivors, like Kenny Donaldson of the South East Fermanagh Foundation, noted that “substantive work” had been done to address concerns about independence and oversight, but stressed that success would depend on a “full and committed effort” by both governments. David Crabbe, a former soldier who served in Northern Ireland, welcomed progress but called for fairness, arguing that inquiries have focused heavily on the actions of soldiers and police, while less attention has been paid to those who killed security forces. “If individuals crossed the criminal threshold, they should face the law,” he said, but added that security forces “stood for law and order.”
Political parties, too, were quick to stake out their positions. Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald insisted the deal must be “victim-centred” and human rights compliant, saying, “If it doesn’t meet the tests set by them [victims] then it’s going to fall flat.” DUP leader Gavin Robinson was sharply critical, calling the proposals retraumatizing for victims and lamenting the lack of prior consultation. “For many, the proposals may be too little, too late,” he said, and pointedly noted the absence of a parallel inquiry in the Republic for the Omagh bombing victims. Carla Lockhart, another DUP MP, said the announcement “has caused great hurt and great angst amongst our innocent victims.”
Unionist voices were particularly wary of the Irish government’s role. Jim Allister, leader of the Traditional Unionist Voice, called the co-design of legacy proposals by Dublin “an obscenity,” arguing it made unionist buy-in impossible. Alliance MP Sorcha Eastwood, while welcoming the dual-government approach, stressed that “victims must remain at the centre of this process.” SDLP leader Claire Hanna saw “some progress” but warned the deal risked falling short for victims, citing concerns about the closure of inquests and the lack of clarity on disclosure from paramilitary groups.
Outside the political fray, US ambassadors to the UK and Ireland issued a joint statement welcoming the framework and highlighting the importance of continued bilateral cooperation as a cornerstone of political stability under the Good Friday Agreement. Church leaders, including the Archbishop of Armagh and the head of the Catholic Church in Ireland, urged all stakeholders to consider the framework closely, saying, “Above all, we owe it to the victims and survivors to ensure that their needs are met with compassion and thoroughness.”
Meanwhile, the Police Service of Northern Ireland’s Chief Constable Jon Boutcher welcomed the progress but warned that the cost of dealing with legacy issues continues to strain the force’s core budget. “Each day the PSNI buckles a little more as we desperately try to manage the unique challenges of policing a post-conflict society with wholly inadequate funding,” he said.
As the governments move to translate the framework into legislation, the hard work of building trust and delivering answers begins anew. The wounds of the Troubles run deep, and the road ahead remains fraught—but for many, the hope is that this time, the process will offer more than just another false dawn.