On December 2, 2025, Tennessee’s 7th Congressional District witnessed a fiercely contested special election that has become emblematic of the growing power and controversy surrounding partisan gerrymandering in American politics. Republican Matt Van Epps emerged victorious, defeating Democrat Aftyn Behn by a margin of nine percentage points. While that margin might appear comfortable at first glance, it was significantly narrower than the 22-point advantage former President Donald Trump enjoyed in the same district just a year earlier, according to reporting from the Associated Press and Nexstar Media.
This election was never going to be an easy win for Democrats. Nashville, once a solid Democratic stronghold, had its political landscape dramatically altered in 2022 when the Republican-controlled Tennessee legislature redrew district boundaries, splitting the city into three separate, GOP-leaning districts. The move, which followed the most recent census, was part of a broader Republican strategy to maximize their representation in Congress—a tactic increasingly mirrored in states across the country.
For many local Democrats, hope flickered nonetheless. Luci Wingo, a Vanderbilt University sophomore and leader of the College Democrats, reflected on the challenge. “It’s a hard battle to fight because it’s so intentional, it’s so in your face — and it’s hard to not just want to get frustrated and kind of give up,” she told the Associated Press. Despite a surge of enthusiasm and millions spent by Democrats, Behn’s defeat was a stark reminder of the uphill battle posed by the new district lines. “We don’t try to get our hopes up too much, because we kind of know the outcomes,” Wingo admitted, though she credited Behn’s campaign with energizing local Democrats.
Republicans, for their part, viewed the redistricting as a strategic necessity. Nashville had been represented by Democrat Jim Cooper for two decades before the 2022 redraw. The new map carved the city into districts that stretched far into rural, reliably Republican areas, making it nearly impossible for Democrats to win any of the three seats. In 2022 and again in 2024, Republicans swept all three districts—by 17, 22, and 36 points, respectively. The special election’s closer margin this year was enough to worry some in the GOP about their prospects heading into next year’s midterms.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) acknowledged the shifting winds, telling reporters on December 3 that Republicans face political “headwinds” after the Tennessee special election. “Nine points is a fairly handy win. It wasn’t what obviously what the president won the district by,” Thune said, as quoted by Nexstar Media. He cautioned against reading too much into the result but emphasized, “Obviously, we need to take to heart the fact that we have to sharpen our message and make sure that we’re giving people a reason to vote for us in the midterms next year.”
Thune’s remarks highlighted a broader anxiety within the Republican Party. Special elections can be unpredictable, he noted, with turnout and voter motivation often differing from general elections. But the reduced margin of victory in a district engineered to favor Republicans raised eyebrows. “The opposition party tends to be more motivated, their voters are motivated. So in a special election or off-year elections the turnout models are significantly different than they would be in an even-numbered year. You probably saw that in Tennessee,” Thune explained.
For many voters in Nashville, the redistricting has led to confusion and frustration. Maggie Tekeli, a Nashville resident, recounted bringing her three young children to the polls intending to vote for Behn—only to discover she no longer lived in the district. “It’s just discouraging from a democratic process standpoint,” she told the Associated Press. Kevin Mittelmeier, who described himself as politically centrist, echoed those concerns: “I can just see from the outside looking in, unbiased, it’s actually frustrating how it’s being controlled, and how it’s being dealt with, and how people of Nashville’s opinions really are taken away.”
Nationally, Tennessee’s experience is far from unique. As the Associated Press reports, Republican mapmakers in other states are replicating the Nashville playbook, encouraged by Trump’s call for mid-decade redistricting to cement GOP majorities. In Texas, lawmakers extended a Democratic district into a Republican region outside Dallas-Fort Worth. Missouri’s new map split up a Democratic seat in Kansas City, distributing its parts among rural GOP districts. Similar efforts are underway in North Carolina and Ohio, all designed to tip the balance in the House of Representatives.
Democrats, meanwhile, have not been idle. In California, they pushed through a congressional map that merges Republican-leaning agricultural regions with affluent, liberal coastal communities, aiming to shore up their own numbers. In each state, constituents have voiced concerns about whether their interests will be represented—or diluted—under the new maps. Yet with control of Congress at stake, politicians have pressed ahead.
The stakes are especially high as the nation heads toward the 2026 midterm elections. Democrats need just three net gains to reclaim the House majority. The recent Democratic victories in the New Jersey and Virginia gubernatorial races have buoyed their hopes, while the GOP faces widespread voter dissatisfaction over the cost of living and the broader economy. President Trump’s approval rating stands at 41.8 percent, with a disapproval rating of 53.9 percent, according to a Decision Desk HQ average cited by Nexstar Media.
Senate Republicans still hold a 53-seat majority, but the path forward is uncertain. Democrats are targeting seats in North Carolina, Maine, Texas, and Alaska, while Republicans are eyeing potential pickups in Georgia, Michigan, and New Hampshire. Thune’s comments reflect a party that, while outwardly confident, is keenly aware of the shifting political terrain.
Indiana, too, may soon follow Tennessee’s example. State Republicans are considering a plan to split Indianapolis into several Republican-leaning districts, potentially erasing the seat held by Democrat André Carson, the state’s only Black member of Congress. Democratic state Rep. Robin Shackleford warned, “These maps crack apart historic Black neighborhoods, weakening our voting power and silencing the voices of the very people who are already fighting the hardest for economic stability, safer streets, better schools and access to affordable health care.” Laura Merrifield Wilson, a University of Indianapolis political scientist, noted the likely outcome: “When you’re connecting some of Indianapolis to some of those very rural areas, both groups are ultimately going to lose out.”
As states across the country redraw their maps, the Tennessee special election stands as a cautionary tale—and a preview of the battles to come. In the words of John McGlennon, a professor of government at the College of William & Mary, “In this case, gerrymandering worked. But it may be at the price of seats in other places in Tennessee and around the country.” For voters and politicians alike, the fight over fair representation is far from over.
