On November 3, 2025, Samia Suluhu Hassan was sworn in for a second term as Tanzania’s president, but the ceremony in Dodoma was anything but a celebratory affair. With only a select group of political and military elites in attendance at the military facility, the event capped a tumultuous period for the East African nation. The presidential election, held just days prior on October 29, had already sparked widespread violence, deepening the sense of crisis and uncertainty across the country.
Hassan’s official victory—an overwhelming 97.6% of the vote—was immediately rejected by opposition parties and countless ordinary Tanzanians. According to African Business, the mood on the streets was one of fury and disbelief, with many viewing the election as more of a coronation than a genuine contest. Sixteen other candidates technically ran, but critics argued their presence was little more than window dressing. Notably, two of the most prominent opposition figures, Tundu Lissu of the Chadema party and Luhaga Mpina of the Alliance for Change and Transparency, were barred from the race. Lissu, in fact, was in police custody on treason charges during the election, while Mpina was disqualified on what many described as technicalities.
The government’s response to dissent was swift and severe. Security forces used live ammunition and brute force to break up protests in Dar es Salaam, Mwanza, Arusha, and other cities. Reports from the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, indicated that “hundreds” were killed in these crackdowns, though the government has yet to release any official figures on the dead, injured, or missing. Families frantically searched hospitals and police stations for loved ones, while the authorities imposed curfews, shut down the internet, and kept foreign journalists out.
The African Union observer mission, led by former Botswana President Mokgweetsi Masisi, did not mince words in its preliminary report. The AU concluded that the vote was “uncompetitive” and failed to meet the organization’s standards for democratic elections. Observers documented ballot stuffing, with some voters receiving multiple ballots, and noted “low voter turnout, indicating voter apathy and disengagement from the electoral process.” The AU’s assessment echoed the feelings of many Tanzanians, who saw the process as rigged from the start.
As the dust settled, the US Embassy in Tanzania issued a security alert on December 1, 2025, warning American citizens and travelers of possible nationwide anti-government protests scheduled for December 9, with unrest potentially beginning as early as December 5. The advisory, reported by several international outlets, came in the wake of weeks of tension and a growing chorus of demands for accountability over alleged abuses and deaths. The Embassy cautioned that foreign nationals had experienced increased scrutiny from local security forces, including searches of electronics for politically sensitive content, and reminded travelers that sharing images or videos that could “cause panic” might be considered a criminal offense under Tanzanian law.
The planned demonstrations are being organized by a coalition of civic activists and opposition political actors. Their demands are clear: transparency, justice for those killed during the post-election violence, and respect for human rights. However, authorities in Dar es Salaam have yet to confirm whether the protests will be permitted. Police have repeatedly warned that “unauthorized gatherings will not be tolerated.” The Embassy’s alert further notes that the unrest has already led to the destruction of public infrastructure, violence against civilians, internet shutdowns, and major travel disruptions. Travelers have been advised to prepare for possible nationwide curfews, internet blackouts, ferry cancellations to Zanzibar, flight delays, and strict movement controls enforced by roadblocks.
President Hassan, in her first speech to parliament after being sworn in, condemned the violence and announced the formation of a commission of inquiry to investigate the root causes of the unrest. She dismissed claims that the protests represented a legitimate popular movement, instead alleging that opposition leaders and civil society actors were orchestrating the chaos. “Didn’t they urge others to boycott the elections? Didn’t they say that Tanzania won’t be calm? Didn’t they claim that things would go haywire if their demands weren’t met?” she asked lawmakers. Yet, as African Business reports, many believe the president’s greatest challenge may come from within her own ruling CCM party, where discontent is said to be simmering just below the surface.
Bravious Kahyoza, an economist and political analyst at the Tanzania Investment and Consultant Group, described the elections as a watershed moment. “The leadership has been reluctant for so long to listen to the call for a governance architecture review,” he said. Kahyoza argued that the ruling party’s grip on power is maintained by a constitution that does not allow legal challenges to presidential results and contains provisions favoring the incumbents. He also pointed to a widespread perception of corruption and a lack of accountability among leaders. “In the last four years, it seems the corruption issue has gotten out of hand. Leaders have not been accountable and responsible whenever corruption issues have arisen,” he added.
Despite these political headwinds, Hassan’s first term saw impressive economic gains. According to data from UN Trade and Development (UNCTAD), Tanzania attracted $1.72 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI) in 2024—a 28.4% increase from $1.34 billion in 2023. GDP growth has also climbed steadily, with the IMF forecasting 6% growth in 2025, following 5.4% in 2024 and 5.1% in 2023. Kahyoza credited Hassan’s reversal of her predecessor’s isolationist policies for the boost in FDI, tourism, and investor confidence.
Yet, economic progress remains precarious. Tanzania is heavily reliant on concessional loans from international donors, which often come with strings attached—good governance, democratic reforms, and respect for human rights among them. In November, the European Parliament’s Committee on Foreign Affairs and its Committee on Development called for the withdrawal of financing for Tanzania’s 2025 Annual Action Plan, citing “serious concerns over democratic backsliding, human rights deficiencies and the conduct of the elections.” President Hassan acknowledged the risk, telling MPs, “What happened has stained our reputation. There is a likelihood it could impact our ability to access concessional loans as we did during my first term. It’s a setback that we can overcome if we focus on domestic resource mobilisation, leveraging our natural resources to access capital. We have to plan our development independently and partners can join us along the way.”
But as Kahyoza warns, domestic resources alone may not be enough to keep the economy on track. He argues that real reform of Tanzania’s democracy and a rebuilding of trust with international partners are essential. “Tanzania should stop the hubris that we have our own democracy. We have to come to terms with what has happened and assure the world that we are ready to change. We have to fix the political question for the economy to get back on track.”
With another wave of demonstrations looming and international scrutiny mounting, Tanzania stands at a crossroads—caught between the promise of economic progress and the urgent need for political and social reform. The coming weeks will test whether the government is willing to heed the calls for accountability and chart a new course, or whether it will double down on repression, risking both its reputation and its future prosperity.
