As Tanzania’s October 29, 2025, general elections faded into the rearview mirror, the country found itself plunged into a period of unprecedented turmoil. Widespread reports of enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and politically motivated treason charges have cast a long shadow over the nation’s democratic institutions, according to a string of recent reports by the Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC), the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), and a chorus of civil society organizations. For many Tanzanians, the cost of the election was counted not just in ballots, but in lives lost, voices silenced, and families left searching for answers.
The LHRC, Tanzania’s foremost rights watchdog, sounded the alarm about a sharp rise in human rights violations in 2025, especially surrounding the October election. The group documented more than 40 cases of enforced disappearances over the year, with victims ranging from politicians and activists to journalists and ordinary citizens. Some of those abducted were later confirmed to be in police custody, but many remain unaccounted for, leaving families in agonizing limbo. As the LHRC stated, “In 2025 alone, more than 40 cases of abductions were confirmed by the police through public reports. Some of those abducted were confirmed to be held by the police, but there are cases reported by families without verification from state authorities, and the whereabouts of many of those affected remain unknown.”
Arbitrary arrests and detentions became a chillingly common feature of the election period. Opposition leaders, human rights defenders, and journalists were swept up in nighttime raids or intimidated in their homes. Many were detained without bail or clear charges. Among those targeted was opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who was detained and charged with treason in April 2025—a charge so rarely used in Tanzania that the LHRC noted, “For nearly 42 years, Tanzania has never witnessed anyone being charged with this serious offence. In reality, it is extremely rare for an ordinary Tanzanian who is not a member of the military to be charged with treason. However, in 2025, this charge began to be used as a tool to silence government critics, with individuals being prosecuted for treason, an offence that under Tanzanian law carries no merit.”
The crackdown extended far beyond the political elite. During and after the October 29 elections, protests erupted across the country, met with a heavy-handed response from security forces. The LHRC reported, “During and after the 29 October general elections, there were reports of unarmed civilians, particularly youth, being killed during protests. While exact numbers are not yet known, government officials have publicly acknowledged that the October 29 election period resulted in civilian deaths. Social media and other sources reported deaths of individuals not involved in protests, including some occurring at their homes. These killings caused widespread grief, and many families have not received the bodies of their loved ones for burial.”
Journalists, too, paid a steep price. On election day, Maneno Selanyika, a respected journalist, was killed near his home in Dar es Salaam, as reported by the Dar City Press Club and civil society group Twaweza. Two others—Master Tindwa Mtopa, a sports journalist, and Kelvin Lameck, a Christian radio reporter—were also killed in connection with the unrest. The CPJ, which had not documented a fatal shooting of a Tanzanian journalist since 2012, noted the lack of clarity around these deaths. The organization highlighted that “the lack of clarity surrounding these killings echoes a broader murkiness about the days surrounding the elections as authorities suppressed protests.”
The violence wasn’t limited to journalists. According to the CPJ, several hundred to as many as 3,000 people may have died during the protests that followed the election, as the government responded to crowds of young demonstrators with deadly force. This violence unfolded amid a five-day internet blackout, which further obscured the true toll and hampered the ability of families to communicate or seek help. Verified footage, according to BBC and CNN, showed bodies lying in the streets and stacked outside hospitals, stark evidence of the chaos that unfolded.
As the dust settled, the government’s response was swift and uncompromising. The main opposition party, Chadema, was banned from participating in the elections, and its leader was charged with treason. In total, at least 2,045 people were arrested over what officials described as “election chaos,” including prominent social media users and journalists. Charges ranged from treason and incitement to armed robbery. Among those caught up in the dragnet was Godfrey Thomas Ng’omba, bureau chief with the online news outlet Ayo TV. Ng’omba was arrested on election day, charged with treason on November 7, and released on November 25 after charges were dropped following a presidential directive.
The climate of fear and censorship among journalists was palpable. Many media owners and reporters, fearing government retaliation, chose silence rather than risk. One media owner told CPJ, “We cannot publish. I have a lot I want to write but I can’t… They will come to you and give you a treason charge if you publish.” Human rights lawyer Tito Magoti described the media’s role as largely absent, stating, “The media was absent in Tanzania during elections, if you call what happened on the 29th elections. Even now, as we speak, the media is missing, such that there is no reporting of what happened during elections, the atrocities that were committed, but also there are no critical voices from the communities coming out through the media.”
International scrutiny intensified as the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and United Nations experts joined local groups in warning of “deepening repression” and “terror” in Tanzania. Reports of abductions, killings, and torture of opposition officials and critics circulated widely. Foreign journalists, meanwhile, found themselves locked out—at least three international outlets reported to CPJ that their media accreditation applications were rejected, and the International Press Association Eastern Africa confirmed it was unaware of any successful applications to cover the polls in mainland Tanzania.
Beyond the immediate violence, the LHRC and other groups pointed to broader restrictions that signaled a systematic effort to undermine civil liberties. Media freedom was curtailed, internet shutdowns became a tool of state control, and public demonstrations were suppressed. The LHRC warned that these violations “undermine Tanzania’s democratic institutions” and called on the government to uphold constitutional guarantees, respect human rights, and ensure accountability for abuses.
As December 2025 drew to a close, Tanzania remained under a cloud of uncertainty. The government’s refusal to provide an official death toll or address allegations of mass graves left many questions unanswered. President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who secured a reported 98% of the vote, blamed foreigners for the unrest, while opposition voices struggled to be heard. Protests were set to continue, with further demonstrations planned for independence day on December 9, even as the country’s security forces maintained a visible and intimidating presence.
For Tanzanians, the 2025 elections will be remembered not just for the outcome at the ballot box, but for the deep scars left on the nation’s conscience. The stories of those lost, silenced, or forced into hiding serve as a stark reminder of the fragility of democratic freedoms—and the high cost of their defense.
