On a vibrant Thursday in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan stood before thousands of supporters at the Tanganyika Packers sports ground, launching her campaign for the October 2025 general elections. The event, marked by lively performances from popular musicians, was more than just a political rally—it was a declaration of intent from a leader who assumed office under extraordinary circumstances and now faces a nation both hopeful and divided.
Hassan, who took the reins in March 2021 after the sudden death of President John Magufuli, addressed the crowd with promises that stretched beyond the usual campaign fare. "Guided by the 4Rs philosophy, we will continue consultations with political stakeholders, civil society organizations, and the private sector by forming a commission to initiate reconciliation and mediation talks, and to prepare the environment for a new constitution," she said, as reported by DW and other international outlets. Her 4Rs—reconciliation, resilience, reform, and rebuild—have served as the backbone of her administration since she stepped into the top job.
But beneath the music and optimism, the political landscape in Tanzania is fraught with tension. As the campaign season begins, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, in power since independence, faces both internal divisions and accusations of orchestrating a crackdown on the opposition. The 2020 election, which saw CCM claim a staggering 84% of the vote, was marred by the disqualification of numerous opposition candidates and, according to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, allegations of unlawful killings, torture, and arbitrary detention of opposition supporters. At least 14 people, mostly in Zanzibar, lost their lives in connection with that vote.
The opposition’s prospects in 2025 appear even dimmer. Tundu Lissu, leader of the main opposition party Chadema and a former presidential candidate, is currently jailed on treason charges—an accusation he firmly denies. Chadema, citing the lack of electoral reforms and the need for an independent electoral commission, announced it would boycott the election. The party was subsequently disqualified for refusing to sign the electoral "code of conduct." The disqualification of Lissu and his party has drawn widespread criticism, both domestically and internationally.
ACT Wazalendo, the third-largest party, has not been spared either. Its candidate, Luhaga Mpina, was disqualified by the electoral commission this week on grounds of lacking "qualifications." The party has taken the matter to court, denouncing what it describes as "a deliberate state conspiracy against the opposition." Othman Masoud Othman, ACT Wazalendo’s chairman and presidential candidate for Zanzibar, didn’t mince words in a recent interview. "We would not have objected to any challenge if it had followed proper procedures. But this decision by NEC shows how far behind we are. It's painful because it reveals how shamelessly CCM, despite its responsibility to this country, is using state institutions for such childish and disgraceful acts," he told reporters.
Other opposition groups, such as the National Reconstruction Alliance (NRA) and the Alliance for Democratic Change (ADC), faced their own hurdles, failing to launch campaigns in Mwanza and Arusha due to funding shortages and logistical barriers. The result is a campaign season where the ruling party faces little organized resistance at the national level, though some analysts see glimmers of competition at the grassroots.
Lugete Mussa, a Dar es Salaam-based political analyst, offered a nuanced view. "There have been major changes in the electoral system and there will be competition at the grassroots level. It might not be to the level of previous elections such as 2020, 2015, 2010, and 2005, but democracy is indeed blossoming in Tanzania," he told DW. Mussa pointed to improvements in transparency and accountability within the electoral commission, as well as greater involvement of journalists and editors in the process. "The development of democracy has been better than it was in 2020," he added.
Yet, these modest gains are overshadowed by a series of troubling incidents that have drawn condemnation from rights groups and Western governments. In May 2025, Mpaluka Saidi Nyagali—known widely as Mdude and a vocal critic of the CCM—was reportedly attacked, beaten, and kidnapped, according to The Chanzo Initiative and the International Crisis Group. The fate of other government critics has been equally grim. Asma Mohammed Khalfan recounted to DW the night her husband was taken by unknown individuals: "I was inside the house and people came to knock on the door and asked our kids where was their father. My husband opened the door while wearing a shirt. They took him. I have been looking for him ever since. I have gone to every police station but [there has been] no information about him."
Religious leaders have not been spared. In late April, Charles Kitima, secretary general of the Catholic Church Council (TEC), was attacked and injured just days after he criticized the government’s human rights record. In another high-profile case, authorities deregistered Josephat Gwajima’s Glory of Christ Church in Dar es Salaam in June, following sermons that allegedly contravened acceptable conduct for religious organizations. The church was cordoned off by police after hundreds of congregants protested the closure, as reported by AP. Gwajima, a ruling party lawmaker, had accused the government of human rights violations—a move that may have contributed to the crackdown.
Even within CCM, dissent has surfaced. Humphrey Polepole, the party’s former ambassador to Cuba, resigned in July, citing leadership failures to defend human rights and dignity. "I have observed with deep regret a leadership orientation that fails to adequately defend human rights, peace, and human dignity," he wrote in a letter to President Hassan.
Despite these controversies, the president’s supporters remain steadfast. At the Dar es Salaam rally, Mashaka Ngao, who traveled 40 kilometers to attend, expressed confidence: "We have many other parties competing. We would still have won. There is no party that can compete with CCM," he told AFP. Yet, even some CCM loyalists like Omary Mrisho lamented the absence of Chadema in the race. "Chadema usually livens things up. They push our leaders to think of better ideas... They are our rivals, but we need them," he said.
As Tanzania heads toward the October polls, the stakes are high. The outcome will not only determine the trajectory of the world’s second-largest economy in East Africa but also reveal whether the country can reconcile its aspirations for reform and unity with the persistent shadows of political exclusion and repression. The eyes of the nation—and indeed, the world—will be watching closely as the ballots are cast and counted.