On December 8, 2025, the streets of Syrian cities erupted with jubilation as crowds marked the first anniversary of the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad’s long-standing regime—a moment now officially celebrated as Liberation Day. The festivities were not limited to Syria alone; even European cities saw marches commemorating the downfall of a government that, for decades, sowed division and repression. At the heart of the Damascus parade stood Ahmed al-Sharaa, the man whose rapid ascent to power has left both Syrians and the world questioning the future of this battered country.
Al-Sharaa, who led Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and orchestrated the ousting of Assad on December 8, 2024, has become a figure of both hope and suspicion. According to The Economist, he is "a chameleon" and "the great pretender," a leader whose pragmatism and adaptability have allowed him to survive—and thrive—amid Syria’s chaos. His journey to the presidency was anything but conventional. Exploiting rifts between ISIS and al-Qaeda, he established an independent regime in Idlib Province, where his technocratic approach and gestures of religious tolerance—such as engaging with Ismailis and Christians—set him apart from the sectarianism of his predecessors. Reports of improved daily life in Idlib soon spread, fueling envy and curiosity even in Damascus.
Al-Sharaa’s military campaign was as swift as it was decisive. In a matter of days, his forces seized Aleppo and advanced to the capital, where they were met by jubilant crowds. Yet, for all his battlefield prowess, it is his political maneuvering that has drawn the most attention. He has donned many public personas: from the khaki fatigues of a revolutionary commander to the European suits of a statesman. Skeptics in the West, Russia, and Israel see these transformations as little more than a change of costume, but those who know him best argue that his lack of rigid ideology is precisely what has made him so effective.
During the December 8 parade, al-Sharaa addressed the nation, promising to build a "Syria for all Syrians" and declaring a complete break with the Assad legacy. "The Assad regime sowed discord and doubt, erecting walls that divided Syrians," he said, referencing the previous government’s reliance on the Alawite minority and the deliberate cultivation of sectarian divides. "Even words became a crime," he continued. "We declare a complete break with this legacy, an end to that era, and the beginning of a new chapter—a chapter of nation-building." His vision, he insisted, was for a nation rather than a caliphate or emirate—a message that resonated with many but left others wary of a new form of authoritarianism.
Indeed, al-Sharaa’s government exhibits unmistakable signs of personalist dictatorship. The provisional parliament, elected in the fall of 2025, saw one-third of its members appointed directly by the president and the remainder chosen through indirect voting—a process that heavily favored regime loyalists. Critics argue that this is hardly a display of democracy, yet the alternative—either a return to Islamist fanaticism or the re-emergence of the Assad clan—finds little support among ordinary Syrians. As one analyst put it, "The main argument in Sharaa's favor is that there is nothing even close to a preferable alternative."
Despite the regime’s popularity in the heartland, its control remains incomplete. The Kurdish northeast operates with near-total autonomy, and attempts to celebrate Liberation Day in those areas were quickly quashed by local authorities. In the south, tensions with the Druze community run high, with leading separatist Hikmat Salman al-Hijri imposing a harsh police regime and even displaying Israeli flags in some towns. On the Mediterranean coast, Alawite communities fear reprisals, recalling the violence that followed the regime change in March.
Al-Sharaa has survived several assassination attempts, but the specter of renewed conflict hangs over Syria. Hardline Islamists, enraged by his perceived moderation, continue to plot revenge. Meanwhile, the risk of a coup by Assad loyalists, backed by disgruntled officers, pro-Iranian militias, and Russian interests, remains a persistent—if remote—threat. Rumors abound that Russian security services are in talks with Assad’s entourage in Moscow, but few believe the old regime could reclaim power without plunging the country into further bloodshed.
Internationally, al-Sharaa has demonstrated a remarkable ability to court former adversaries. Within weeks of taking power, he hosted high-ranking American diplomats in Damascus, prompting the US to cancel a $10 million bounty previously placed on his head. Sanctions imposed under the so-called “Caesar Act” have been gradually eased, and the president has received foreign dignitaries with increasing frequency. His November 2025 visit to the White House marked the first time a Syrian head of state had been received by a US president since 1946. Donald Trump, who warmly welcomed al-Sharaa, called him a "great guy," while Vladimir Putin extended a congratulatory telegram and hosted him in Moscow. These diplomatic overtures have not gone unnoticed at home, where some Syrians question how their leader can shake hands with those who once bombed their cities.
Al-Sharaa’s relationship with Russia is particularly pragmatic. As he explained in an Al Jazeera documentary, Russia once threatened to escalate if his forces advanced on Damascus. "When we took control of western Aleppo, a message came from Russia: 'Stop at this stage, be satisfied with what you have achieved, or there will be escalation.' But I saw in this threat a sign of weakness, that the regime was collapsing, and so the operation continued. Fortunately, that decision proved correct," he recounted. Today, Syria relies on Russian wheat, investment, and energy expertise, and al-Sharaa’s brother Maher, who studied in Russia and married a Russian woman, is rumored to play a key role in managing these ties.
Western governments, for their part, see al-Sharaa as the only leader capable of ensuring stability and averting a relapse into civil war—a scenario that could easily spill over into the broader Middle East. The scars of dictatorship and sectarian violence remain deep, and while the regime’s repressive tendencies are cause for concern, many Syrians and foreign observers alike see little alternative. "Syria has no genuinely liberal-democratic force that is capable of taking and holding power, and all other groups...are far worse than the current regime," noted The Economist.
For all the optimism of Liberation Day, the reality on the ground is sobering. Syria’s economy lies in ruins, millions remain displaced or in poverty, and the threat of renewed violence is never far away. Yet, as the country marks a year since the end of Assad rule, there is a palpable—if cautious—sense of hope that, under al-Sharaa’s watchful eye, Syria might finally be entering a new chapter. Whether this chapter will be defined by genuine nation-building or a new era of authoritarianism remains the central question facing Syrians and the world.