On September 1, 2025, a high-level Syrian delegation arrived in Beirut, marking the first official visit to Lebanon since the dramatic ouster of Syria’s long-ruling Assad regime in late 2024. The trip, which included two former Syrian Cabinet ministers and the head of Syria’s National Commission for Missing Persons, set in motion a flurry of diplomatic activity aimed at resolving several long-standing and emotionally charged disputes between the two neighbors. At the heart of the talks: the fate of more than 2,000 Syrians languishing in Lebanese prisons, many without trial, and the search for Lebanese nationals who vanished in Syria during decades of regional turmoil.
According to Al-Akhbar, Syria’s new interim government, led by President Ahmed al-Sharaa, issued a pointed demand: Lebanon must return Syrian detainees before any discussion about the future of the estimated 1.5 million Syrian refugees who have sought shelter in Lebanon since the civil war erupted more than 14 years ago. The message was clear—detainees first, refugees later. This stance, echoed by Syrian officials throughout the visit, underscored the urgency and sensitivity of the detainee issue for Damascus as it attempts to reset relations with Beirut after years of mutual suspicion and intermittent hostility.
As reported by The Associated Press, the two countries agreed to form joint committees charged with three main tasks: determining the fate of the nearly 2,000 Syrian prisoners held in Lebanese jails, locating Lebanese nationals missing in Syria, and settling the shared, often unmarked, border that has long facilitated smuggling and cross-border tensions. Lebanese judicial and security officials confirmed the announcement, describing it as a potential breakthrough in a relationship that has been fraught for decades—ever since Syria’s nearly three-decade military presence in Lebanon ended in 2005 and the subsequent rise of the Iran-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanese politics.
Relations between the two states have been further complicated by Hezbollah’s intervention in Syria’s civil war, fighting alongside Assad’s forces, and by the persistent resentment among many Lebanese over Syria’s historical domination. As the new Syrian administration seeks to “open a new page” with Lebanon, according to officials cited by The Associated Press, hopes are rising for a visit by the Syrian ministers of foreign affairs and justice—though no date has been set.
Monday’s talks, which included Lebanon’s Deputy Prime Minister Tarek Mitri, focused sharply on the plight of Syrians held in Lebanese jails. Of the roughly 2,000 Syrian prisoners, about 800 are detained for security-related offenses, such as attacks and shootings, and many have never faced trial. Human rights advocates and families have long decried the conditions inside Lebanese prisons, particularly Roumieh prison, which holds over 4,000 inmates in a facility designed for just 1,200. Over the past two years, 40 detainees have died in Lebanese custody, with medical neglect cited as the primary cause, according to lawyer Muhammad Sablouh, director of the Cedar Center for Legal Studies, who spoke with Syria Direct.
The tragic death of Osama al-Jaour, a 39-year-old Syrian detainee, in mid-August 2025 brought renewed attention to the crisis. Al-Jaour, arrested in 2015 in the border town of Arsal and later sentenced to life imprisonment, died in Roumieh after his health deteriorated in the prison’s mental health ward. His story, as recounted by former detainee Omar Jamoul, is emblematic of the suffering endured by many Syrians behind bars in Lebanon—plagued by inadequate medical care, poor nutrition, and, in some cases, mistaken identity. Another detainee, Hassan Harba, remains imprisoned despite what his family and lawyer describe as conclusive evidence of his innocence, suffering severe health problems after an 18-day hunger strike and repeated hospitalizations due to COVID-19.
Prisoners and their families have repeatedly protested, demanding urgent reforms. On August 25, a group of Lebanese prisoners proposed a series of solutions to the humanitarian crisis, including reducing sentences by a third, releasing those held for more than a decade without trial—who reportedly make up more than 70 percent of prisoners—and transferring all Syrians to their country. Yet, the Lebanese government has so far rejected proposals to further reduce prison terms or grant an exceptional amnesty, despite mounting deaths and international aid intended to improve prison conditions. As Sablouh put it, "the Lebanese state has not dared to open a single investigation," even as families are forced to cover the costs of their relatives’ medical care and food.
The issue of Syrian detainees in Lebanon is deeply political. According to journalist and political researcher Siba Madwar, quoted by Syria Direct, the fate of the prisoners is often used as leverage in negotiations with Damascus, especially regarding Hezbollah’s role and influence. Hezbollah, for its part, is wary of handing detainees over to Syria, fearing it would be seen as a political victory for the new Syrian government. Regional actors, including the United States and the European Union, have provided financial and diplomatic support, but obstacles remain—chief among them the lack of a transparent legal mechanism for cooperation between Lebanon and Syria’s interim government.
Meanwhile, the humanitarian cost continues to mount. Human rights organizations have documented widespread torture and abuse in Lebanese detention centers, with security forces allegedly employing severe beatings, electric shocks, stress positions, and psychological torture during interrogations. Access to medical care is routinely delayed or denied, and even international aid—such as Spain’s $100,000 donation for a solar-powered hot water system in Roumieh—has failed to alleviate the suffering. Detainees’ families describe a system where "the administration of Roumieh’s medical center blocks access to medication and delays transfers to hospitals," as Sablouh noted.
In the past, Lebanon deported Syrian refugees and detainees, some of whom were rearrested and died under torture upon their return to Syria. Since the Assad regime’s fall, however, Lebanese authorities have stopped handing over detainees to the new transitional government. Syrian Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shaibani met with Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam in May 2025 to discuss ending the suffering of Syrians detained in Roumieh, but progress has been slow. As Muhammad Hassan, executive director of the Access Center for Human Rights (ACHR), told Syria Direct, "the real challenge lies in providing an environment that safeguards the rights of returnees and respects their humanity."
Legal experts see a possible way forward. Nabil al-Halabi, a Lebanese lawyer and head of the Middle East Forum for Policies and Future Studies, suggested that the 1991 Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination between Lebanon and Syria could be amended to allow for prisoner exchanges, or that a new judicial-security memorandum of understanding could be signed. Such steps, he argued, would enable the transfer of Syrian prisoners—except those facing personal claims—back to their country without the need for a general amnesty.
As Lebanon and Syria inch toward resolving the detainee crisis, the stakes remain high—not only for the thousands of prisoners and their families, but for the broader relationship between two countries whose histories, politics, and peoples remain deeply intertwined. The coming months may reveal whether this new chapter of engagement will finally bring justice, relief, and a measure of closure to those caught in the crossfire of regional upheaval.