On October 15, 2025, a remarkable scene unfolded in Moscow: Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa—once the leader of the armed opposition that toppled Bashar al-Assad—sat across from Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin. The meeting marked the first official talks between the two leaders since al-Sharaa assumed power ten months ago, following the dramatic ouster of Assad, who for years had been propped up by Moscow’s military might. For those who recall the bloody years of Syria’s civil war, the sight was nothing short of extraordinary.
Despite their history as wartime adversaries—Putin backing Assad with a devastating show of force, and al-Sharaa leading the rebels who ultimately seized Damascus—the two men struck a conciliatory tone. Putin, addressing al-Sharaa, referred to the “special relationship” between Russia and Syria, emphasizing a desire to expand cooperation. “Over the past decades, our countries have built a special relationship,” Putin said, according to AP. “There are quite a few interesting and useful undertakings on the agenda, and Russia stands ready to do everything to fulfill them.”
Al-Sharaa, in turn, made it clear that Syria’s future would remain closely tied to Russia. He highlighted the “long historic relationship” between the two nations and noted Syria’s ongoing reliance on Russian production and expertise, especially in the energy sector. “We are trying to restore and redefine in a new way the nature of these relations so there is independence for Syria, sovereign Syria, and also its territorial unity and integrity and its security stability,” al-Sharaa said, as reported by BBC and SANA.
The talks were not just about warm words; they were also about hard interests. Russia has maintained a military presence in Syria for years, with key outposts at the Tartous naval port and the Hmeimim airbase on the Mediterranean coast—the only such Russian bases outside the former Soviet Union. The future of these installations was a central topic. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov confirmed that the fate of the Russian bases was on the agenda, and al-Sharaa signaled his government’s willingness to honor existing agreements. “Syria will respect all agreements concluded throughout the great history of our bilateral relations,” he told Putin, a statement widely interpreted as a green light for Russia to keep its strategic foothold in the region.
For Moscow, these bases are crucial—not just for projecting military power in the Mediterranean, but also for maintaining influence in the wider Middle East. As Reuters and Die Zeit observed, Russia’s relationship with Syria is a linchpin in its broader regional strategy, especially as it continues to grapple with the fallout from the war in Ukraine and shifting alliances across the Middle East.
But the meeting was not without its undercurrents of tension. Al-Sharaa was expected to press for the extradition of Bashar al-Assad, who fled to Russia after being deposed and has since been granted asylum by Moscow. According to AP and BBC, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov stated that Russia had offered Assad sanctuary due to “the risk of physical elimination” he and his family faced. Lavrov also dismissed rumors that Assad had been poisoned, insisting, “He had no problems in living in our capital and there have been no poisonings.”
Al-Sharaa, for his part, was unequivocal in his intent. In a recent interview with CBS News’ “60 Minutes,” he declared, “Syrian authorities will use all available legal means to demand the trial of Assad.” However, few analysts believe Moscow will acquiesce to such a request, given the deep ties between the two countries’ security establishments and Russia’s longstanding policy of shielding its allies from international prosecution.
Despite these unresolved issues, both sides appeared eager to turn the page. Russian ministers announced plans to deliver foodstuffs and medication to Syria, and to assist in repairing the country’s battered infrastructure—moves that could help stabilize Syria’s war-shattered economy and cement Moscow’s role as a key partner in its reconstruction. Al-Sharaa, recognizing Syria’s dependence on Russian supplies, especially in energy and food, seemed keen to leverage this relationship to diversify his country’s foreign policy and attract much-needed investment.
The timing of the talks was significant. Earlier this month, Syria held its first parliamentary elections since the collapse of the Assad administration. Putin hailed the elections as a “big success,” saying they would help consolidate Syrian society—a sentiment echoed by Russian media and state agencies. The elections, observers say, are part of broader nation-building efforts as Syria seeks to emerge from more than a decade of conflict and devastation.
Russia, meanwhile, is not neglecting its broader diplomatic ambitions. The Kremlin had planned to host a Russia-Arab summit this week, a move widely seen as an attempt to bolster its influence across the Arab world. However, the summit was postponed to avoid clashing with a Gaza ceasefire deal brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump, underscoring the delicate balancing act Moscow faces as it navigates competing interests in the region.
Diplomatic exchanges between Moscow and Damascus have been frequent in recent months. Russian delegations visited Damascus in January and September 2025, while Syria’s Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani made a trip to Moscow in July. These ongoing contacts highlight the importance both sides place on maintaining a robust partnership, even as the nature of that partnership continues to evolve.
For the new Syrian government, the stakes couldn’t be higher. The country remains deeply scarred by years of war, and rebuilding will require not just Russian aid, but also broader international engagement. At the same time, al-Sharaa must balance the need for foreign support with the imperative of asserting Syria’s sovereignty and independence—a task made all the more challenging by the lingering presence of foreign military forces on Syrian soil.
Observers, including those cited by NHK and BBC, suggest that Russia is eager to forge a cooperative relationship with the interim Syrian government, both to maintain its influence in the Middle East and to ensure the security of its strategic assets. For al-Sharaa, the Moscow visit was an opportunity to signal continuity in Syria’s foreign policy while also laying the groundwork for a new chapter—one that, he hopes, will be marked by greater stability, independence, and economic recovery.
As the two presidents parted ways, the sense of pragmatism was palpable. Old enmities may not be forgotten, but for now, mutual interests are driving Syria and Russia into a new, if uneasy, embrace.